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Title: Narrative of a voyage to the South Seas and the shipwreck of the Princess of Wales cutter : with an account of two years' residence on an uninhabited island / by Charles Medyett Goodridge.

Author: Goodridge, Charles Medyett.

Published: Printed by W.C. Featherstone, Exeter, 1852

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THE AUTHOR, IN HIS SEAL SKIN DRESS.

NARRATIVE
OF A
VOYAGE TO THE SOUTH SEAS,
AND THE
SHIPWRECK
OF THE
PRINCESS OF WALES CUTTER,.
WITH AN ACCOUNT OF
TWO YEARS' RESIDENCE
ON AN UNINHABITED ISLAND,

BY CHARLES MEDYETT GOODRIDGE,
OF PAIGNTON, DEVON, ONE OF THE SURVIVORS.

PATRONIZED BY HER MAJESTY, QUEEN VICTORIA,

HER LATE MAJESTY
THE DOWAGER
QUEEN ADELAIDE,
AND THE
ROYAL FAMILY.

AND BY THE
PRINCIPAL
NOBILITY, GENTRY
AND
CLERGY.

A New Edition, with Alterations and Improvementi.
ENTERED AT STATIONER'S HALL.
Exeter: PRINTED BY W. C. FEATHERSTONE, 246, HIGH STREET,
AND SOLD BY THE AUTHOR, PRICE 2s. 6d.
1852

(COPIES.)

St. James's Palace.
February 3, 1844.

Sir,

I am directed by Sir Henry Wheatley to acquaint you, that he has not failed to submit to the Queen your Narrative of a Voyage to the South Seas, and of your Residence on an Uninhabited Island, and that Her Majesty has been most graciously pleased to accept it.

I have the Honor to be,

Sir, Your obedient Servant,
WILBRAHAM TAYLOR,

Mr. C. Medyett Goodridge.

Marlborough House, Pall Mall,

London, Aug. 26, 1847.

Sir,

I am commanded by Her Majesty, The Queen Dowager, 1o inform you, that Her Majesty is pleased to accept the Volume of your Narrative of a Two Years' Residence on an Uninhabited Island in the Southern Ocean, and I am instructed to remit to you Two Pounds, which will be paid to you on application to Mr. Goodwin, at Marlborough House, Pall Mall.

I am, Sir,

Your obedient Servant,
G. T. HUDSON.

To Mr. Charles Medyetl Goodridge.

PREFACE
TO THE FIRST EDITION.

Whatever interest may be found in the following pages, will be derived principally from a plain unvarnished tale, simply told. It is not offered to the public as a work of literary refinement, or poetical flight; as a chapter of horrors to affright the timid, or a pleasing fiction to amuse the thoughtless; but as a narrative of facts. Since the adventures of Alexander Selkirk, on which De Foe founded his truly moral, and deservedly admired, fiction of " Robinson Crusoe," there has not been on record, I believe, an instance of a period of near two years being spent by any European on an Uninhabited and Desert Island. This simple fact will perhaps obtain for this Narrative some interest with the general reader. As a work of instruction, it is hoped it will not be wholly destitute of merit, containing as it does information relative to the natural productions of such a remote and insulated spot. To the moralist it will afford some matter for sober thought; to the believer in a wise and all-ruling Power, it will give a renewed source of consolation, derived from additional proofs of His Almighty care and providence —to those who advocate and lend their aid to that most valuable of institutions, the Bible Society, it will afford an additional incentive, if such were wanted, for renewed exertions for the spread of the Sacred Volume, particularly among mariners—for in this Narrative the words of Scripture were most fully verified, that such " bread cast upon the waters, shall be found after many days." To none, I trust, will this work be found offensive; for where praise could not brighten the page, the finger of silence has either arrested the pen, or charity, has blotted out the stain. In coming before the public as an author, I am sensible I am launching again on an unknown, and to me an unexplored sea—but having weathered so many storms in far distant climes, I build my hopes of a kind reception on that liberal character for which my native •country is famed—and which, having swelled my heart with pride, when dwelling at her antipodes, will, I trust, be now my support, when, after all my trials, 1 come to seek a repose on her friendly soil.

C. M. GOODR1DGE.

PREFACE
TO THE SIXTH EDITION.

On offering a SIXTH EDITION of my Narrative to ray Friends and the Public, I must again acknowledge with heartfelt gratitude, the kind support I have experienced—a gratitude the more keenly felt from the conviction that it is to their sympathy I am indebted for their liberality, rather than to any merit in my simple story. By many gentlemen, however, connected with the Bible Society, my publication has been considered useful, as advocating the extension of its invaluable labours, and this, with the knowledge (communicated to me by one of the most active Agents of the Bible Society) that its perusal has been the humble means of establishing Scripture truths, now cheers me on my way; and that its usefulness may be increased, more particularly among those who go on the great deep, is the sincere wish of

THE AUTHOR,

And to those, he would point out with affectionate solicitude the following beautiful portion of Scripture:

They that go down to the sea in ships, that do business in great waters:

These see the works of the Lord, and his wonders in the deep

For he commandeth, and raiseth the stormy wind, which lift eth up the waves thereof.

They mount up to the heaven, they go down again to the depths: their soul is melted because of trouble.

They reel to and fro, and stagger like a drunken man, and are at their wit's end.

Then they cry unto the Lord in their trouble, and he bringeth them out of their distresses.

He maketh the storm a calm, so that the waves thereof are still.

Then are they glad because they be quiet; so he bringeth them unto their desired haven.

Oh that men would praise the Lord for his goodness, and for his wondeiful works to the children of men!

Psalm 107, verses 23 to 31.

NEW PREFACE.

On offering a new edition of my little work, I beg to return my grateful acknowledgments to those very numerous friends who have purchased and recommended my book. It is now 14 years since I began personally to solicit the public, and in very few instances have I received any thing but a kind consideration, from every class on whom I have called; in some rare cases, I have been harshly spoken to, but I believe this has been occasioned by the many frauds that have been, and are continually, practised to excite the commisseration of the benevolent. I have at all times courted the most searching inquiry into the authenticity of my story, and in no instance has the slightest deviation from truth been discovered. To the ladies I am especially indebted—many of whom have kindly taken numerous copies and disposed of them among their relatives and friends. To the Public Press I am also indebted.—In the recommendation of my work, the Editors have universally drawn attention to the merits, and have been blind to the faults of its contents; and I most gratefully acknowledge their kind assistance in increasing its sale.

As my entire future dependance, as well for myself as for an afflicted wife, who for above three years has laboured under a mental aberration arising from debility of the nerves, rests on a continued favorable reception of my narrative, I trust this will be a sufficient excuse for my continuing to extend its sale, although it has already gdne through so many editions.

In former editions I have given a list of my numerous subscribers, but many friends having advised me to substitute any interesting details I could remember,—I have done so, and have now, with a few exceptions, only inserted the names of the nobility and clergy who have patronised my work.

OPINIONS OF THE PRESS.

From Woolmer's Enter Gazette.

This narrative reminds us forcibly of the adventures of Robinson Crusoe, and bears more the stamp of verity than any other work of the kind we have read.

From the Exeter Westerrx Times

The narrative is the unvarnished tale of a pure Devonshire Seaman, and told with a spirit and energy that could only be felt by one who had experienced what he recounted.

From the Exeter Flying Pose.

The writer of this narrative appears to have a mind rightly attuned—to be a thoughtful and reflecting man—in all cases putting his trust in God, and becoming the more satisfied that his ways are right, the more deeply he was schooled in adversity.

From the Exeter Western Luminary.

Every page shows traces of a thoughful and pious mind, which has proficed from adversity.

From the Plymouth Journal.

The writer has detailed in a most simple, truthful and therefore fascinating way, the narrative of his long sojourn (with others of his shipwrecked companions) on one of the Crozet Islands in the South Seas. If we opened the volume under an impulse of mistrust, we proceeded to read it with an ever-increasing interest; and we can cordially recommend it to the perusal of all who can appreciate the romance of truth, and the simplicity of genuine piety.

From the Plymouth Herald.

The whole story bears internal evidence of fidelity. Its diction is essentially good. It is equally honourable to the writer's head and heart, and is calculated to enhance our knowledge, improve our morals, and stimulate our religious faith.

From the Devonport Independent.

The detail is as interesting an instance of the power which man possesses of adapting himself to almost any circumstances, as we ever remember to have read; and the book bears on every page, in the unaffected and strait-forward manner in which it is written, •and internal evidence that its statements are trustworthy.

The Royal Cornwall Gazette,

After speaking of the narrative in detail, says " for much other matter of deeper interest, we must refer to the book itself, which should be bought and read by all to whom it is offered."

From the West Briton and Cornwall Advertiser.

Our dislike to itinerant vendors of their own writings induced us to take up this small volume, under the influence of no very sanguine feelings that we should peruse it to the end, but the narrative bears so much of the stamp of truth, that we went through it with increasing interest to the close.

From the Falmouth Packet.

We assure our readers that if they can spare three shillings for a copy of this book, they will be rendering a service to a man who has endured a much greater portion of the " ills that flesh is heir to" than falls to men in general, and who seems worthy of the sympathy and assistance of those whom Providence has blessed with the means of relieving their distressed and unfortunate fellOWS.

From the Penzance Gazette.

The hardships of the sufferers are related in an unaffected manner, and the recital cannot be read without producing much sympathy, with admiration of their manly fortitude and resignation»

From the North Devon Advertiser.

This little volume is full of interesting details, and the circumstances related so natural, that it affords us great pleasure in recommending it to the public.

From the Taunton Courier,

Its well attested authenticity, and the peculiar character of its details, render it interesting, and few persons can resist the opportunity of contributing to the pecuniary resources of its applicant.

From the Somerset County Gazette.

Its manner reminds us forcibly of that which has made Robinson Crusoe immortal; every thing is related just as if the narrator were speaking instead of writing. The adventures here recorded are most extraordinary, and well worthy of preservation among the nautical literature of Great Britain. We cordially recommend it on its merits, to the perusal of our readers, and for the writer's sake we hope their charity will induce them to purchase it.

From the Shrborne and Yeovil Mercury.

Mr Goodridge's Narrative of his Shipwreck and sufferings, cannot but excite a deep sympathy in every humane heart. It is a simple tale of truth, but it describes so many extraordinary incidents and circumstances as produce in it the liveliest interest fqr the safety and fortunes of the Author.

From the Bath Herald.

The testimonials to the truth of this narrative, which, with all its simplicity of style, is exceedingly interesting, preclude all doubt or scepticism, while the published list of patrons and subscribers equally attests the respectability of the Author.

From the Bath and Cheltenham Gazette.

The book is -written with a delightful simplicity, and reminds the reader of the adventures of Robinson Crusoe. It is a simple tale of truth, but describes so many extraordinary incidents and circumstances as to produce a lively interest for the safety and fortunes of the Author; and we can safely recommend it to the sanction of every family, as tending to advance the best interests of Christianity, for it shews an implicit reliance under every extremity on the superintending care of the Divine Providence.

From the Bath Chronicle.

We have been much pleased with a little volume which has fallen into our hands, entitled, " Narrative of a Voyage to the South Seas, and the Shipwreck of the Princess of Wales Cutter." The book is well worthy of public patronage, which we hope it will obtain.

From the Bath Journal.

" Narrative of a voyage to the South Seas, and the Shipwreck of the Princess of Wales Cutter, by C. M. Goodridge." —Under this title the literary world is presented with a veritable Robinson Crusoe. Truth, with the interest of fiction, must be acceptable to ell.

From the Bristol Mercury.

A plain unvarnished tale of hardships endured, and difficulties overcome. The work is replete with that kind of interest which ever attaches to records of human suffering, and to narrations of the manner in which men act in strange and perilous situations.

From the Bristol Mirror.

The book is valuable on many accounts; and not the least, that it proves the power of well-directed minds to bear up against evils and privations of the greatest magnitude with fortitude and resignation.

From Felix Farley's Bristol Journal.

That " truth is often more marvellous than fiction," is a truism now threadbare, of which we have here confirmation. The enthusiasm with which we read Robinson Crusoe is here revived with the enhancement that the events are real.

From the Gloucestershire Chronicle.

The singularity of the author's adventures, his sufferings, and his good character, will no doubt materially assist him in the sale of His work.

From the Gloucester Journal.

After reading the book and making enquiries, we believe the writer, in his plain unvarnished tale of moving incidents by flood and field, has told nothing but the truth.

From the Cheltenham Journal.

This is no fiction, although its details rival the Adventures of Robinson Crusoe. The narrative is written in a plain Christian spirit, and is exceedingly interesting, while the spirit of piety that runs through it, give's it an additional charm.

From the Cheltenham Examiner.

We know the circumstances to be correct, being well acquainted with another of the survivors (Veale) who now commands a ship trading between London and Australia.

From the Cheltenham Chronicle.

We have perused this narrative with all the interest we remember to have felt in our boyish days, when reading the Adventures of Robinson Crusoe; but there is this difference—De Foe's work, although written with great talent, was mere fiction, while this bears the stamp and impress of truth.

From the Worcester Journal,

A Modern Robinson Crusoe.—We had an opportunity of reading a narrative of a Two Years' Residence on an Uninhabited Island in the South Seas, by Charles Medyett Goodridge, andean cordially recommend it as highly interesting.

From the Worcestershire Guardian,

A second Alexander Selkirk.—The Author's Narrative is simply and affectingly told, and its apparent truthfulness makes amends for the want of polished language and elegant diction.

From the Worcestershire Chronicle.

While children of a larger growth may read the work with pleasure and profit, our young friends will read it with delight; and while it contains nothing calculated to offend the most fastidious, there is a vein of pious resignation throughout the narrative, which gives it a peculiar charm.

From the Dover Chronicle.

NARRATIVE OF A VOYAGE TO THE SOUTH SEAS, &c. BY C. M. GOODRIDGE. We have perused this entertaining volume, with almost as much interest as we did the adventures of Robinson Crusoe. It is, in every sense, a plain unvarnished tale of moving accidents by flood and field. That the Narrative of Mr. Goodridge is a true one, there is ample internal evidence in the book itself, independant of its being authenticated by the certificates of other parties, and it furnishes besides another proof, that facts are oftentimes more wonderful than fiction.

From the Dover Telegraph.

GOODRIDGE'S NARRATIVE.—We have been favoured by the author, who is now staying in Dover, with a copy of this interesting little story of his adventures during a residence of two years upon an uninhabited island. In point of interest it is nearly equal to that well known work Robinson Crusoe, whilst we read it with so much more zest from the knowledge that this is a history of facts, whilst the other is but an ingenious work of fiction. This little work contains much information relative to our colony of Van Dieman's Land, statistical and otherwise, which is both useful and interesting.

From the Kentish Observer at Canterbury.

It is really a book of much entertainment, and appears to be written with a strict regard to truth.

From the Kentish Gazette at Canterbury.

A SECOND ROBINSON CRUSOE—NARRATIVE OF A VOYAGE TO THE SOUTH SEAS.—The story is related with great simplicity, and bears upon it the impress of truth. The incidents and hair breadth escapes are extraordinary, and calculated to produce the most lively interest in the mind of the general reader.

From the Rochester Gazette.

An extremely interesting narrative told in such simple and unaffected language, that we can no more doubt the author's veracity than we can that he is a truly pious and reflective man, one who places implicit reliance on the Divine protection, and sees, even amid the trials and difficulties to which he has been exposed, many causes for thankfulness of heart.

From the Kentish Independent at Gravesend.

The perils and dangers to which the author was exposed, are calculated to produce an exciting interest in the mind of the reader, and we earnestly recommend our friends to purchase the work. That the Narrative of Mr. Goodridge is true there is ample internal evidence in the book itself, independant of its been authenticated by the certificates of other parties, and it furnishes a proof that facts are oftentimes more wonderful than fiction.

From the West Herd Guardian at Greenwich.

NARRATIVE OF A VOYAGE TO THE SOUTH SEAS.—The author of this Narrative is a second Alexander Selkirk, a real Robinson Crusoe, and his book is written with so manifest an adherence to facts, in so plain, homely, and appropriate a style, and in so sound and cheerful a spirit, that it is sure to be read with considerable interest.

From the Ipswich Express.

SINGULAR ADVENTURES.—The Adventures of a second Robinson Crusoe, in the person of Charles Goodridge, who has family connections in Colchester, have just been published, and present owe of the most singular narratives ever recorded. The truth of the narrative is well attested, and is altogether one of the most singular and romantic we have ever met with.

The day following, Wednesday, March 5th, 1845, a copy of a long critique, from which the above is an extract, appeared in the Daily Times, and also in the Morning Advertiser and others of the leading Journals of the Metropolis.

From the Brighton Herald.

The editor, after pointing out the similarity of feelings elicited by those so ably pourtrayed in De Foe's beautiful fiction of Robinson Crusoe, adds, that there will, in accounts of Shipwrecks, "be always new circumstances, bringing out new situations, and new trials of character; and in this case, these give a perfectly new and original character to the narrative, and stamp it as a genuine and most interesting piece of biography."

From the Hastings and St. Leortard's News.

This " round unvarnished tale" of " moving accidents by flood and field" has already been favorably reviewed by a great portion of the public press, and received the patronage of royalty and nobility. We see no reason to deviate from the beaten track of praise in respect of the unpretending volume; we have not only been interested in the events so graphically sketched in its pages, but at the same time gratified by the pious spirit which animates the writer.

From the Oxford Journal of Sat. June 15, 1850.

In the perusal of this unpretending but interesting narrative, the reader will be introduced to a second Robinson Crusoe. He has undergone more of the dangers and vicissitudes attendant upon the life of a sailor than usually falls to the lot of that class, and now lives by the sale of his book, which we cordially recommend to our readers, not only for its interesting contents, but for the sake of the author himself, of whose character we have high testimony.

From the Reading Mercury of Saturday Jany. 12, 1850.

GOODRIDGE'S SHIPWRECK NARRATIVE.—A very entertaining and at the same time edifying little work. To the young reader this book will be most acceptable.

From the Hampshire Independent of Saturday, April 28, 1849.

Narrative of a Voyage to the South Seas, &c., by Charles M. Goodridge. Somehow or other human nature has always delighted to picture to itself a being dwelling in perfect isolation from all human kind, one who possessing few or none of these necessaries which the members of society prepare for one another, is compelled by some fortuitous course of circumstances to eke out life, as best he may, gathering his own subsistence, manufacturing his own utensils, and dwelling in a solitude undisturbed by the cares, although solaced by none of the comforts of civilized and busy life. What dreaming boy, who in reading it has not longed to share the solitary hut of the unfortunate Crusoe.

A second Crusoe will never again exist, science has made such discoveries that perhaps there remains no undiscovered island, at least in the temperate and equatorial regions where one could pine in solitude for such a period as was his doom, yet in the narrative furnished us by Mr. Goodridge we find himself and fourteen others located for a year and ten months on one of a group of Islands in the Southern Ocean, called the Crozettes; and as the interest which has been excited by this narrative can be fully borne out by testimonials of the most satisfactory character, we hope that this little volume will meet with that patronage which it deserves.

From the Berkshire Chronicle of Sat. Feb. 9th, 1850.

NARRATIVE OF A VOYAGE TO THE SOUTH SEAS, &c., BY C. M. Goodridgh, of Paignton, Devon.—This is the interesting and unpretending narrative of one who has gone through all the vicissitudes of a sea-faring life. The narrative has gone through several editions, and being written in a natural and unaffected style, with every indication of a religious and well-disciplined mind, it will please all classes of readers.

From the Hampshire Advertiser of Saturday, July 28, 1849.

Narrative of a Voyage to the South Seas, &c. by Chas. Medyett Goodridge, one of the Survivors. It is impossible to divest one's mind of Robinson Crusoe and his inimitable history by De Foe, whilst perusing the pages of Mr. Goodridge, who gives us the nawative of a pure Devonshire seaman. Certainly he tells his story with a spirit and energy that could only be felt by one who had experienced what he recounted. The whole story bears internal evidence of fidelity, and the diction is good. It is now on the sale of this little work, to the genuineness of which numerous highly respectable persons bear testimony, that he depends for a subsistence.

The following is a copy of the Author's certificate from the Vicar and Churchwardens of the Parish of Paignton, Devon. The original he will produce, if required^ on his calling for an answer

"I hereby certify that the bearer, Mr. Charles Medvett Good-ridge, the Author of the Narrative of a Voyage to the South Seas and the Shipwreck of the Princess of Wales Cutter, is a respectable Inhabitant of the Parish of Paignton, and worthy of the patronage of the Public.

R. GEE, Vicar of Paignton.

Paignton, July 18, 1837.

We, the undersigned, do hereby certify that the above Certificate of the Rev. Mr. Gee, is true and correct in every respect.

Recommended, and certified also by

J. A. PABLBY, Esq. Paignton, Magistrate of Devon; and The late Rev. S. COURTENAY, Rowe Street, Plymouth.

Having perused the Narrative of Mr. C. M. Goodridge, I hereby certify, that on the 11th of July, 1823, a small sloop, called "The Success/' arrived at Hobart Town during my stay at that place und that the circumstance occasioned considerable interest at the time, on account of the smaliness of her size, and the inclemency of the weather to which she had been subjected, it then being winter.

JAMES WOODHOUSE.

Filton, May 26, 1840.

I have read Mr. Charles Medyett Goodridge's publication, and having had a long conversation with him, can vouch for the authenticity of his narrative, having been myself on a voyage of discovery round the world—and when a boy at Dartmouth knew his relations as school fellows.

JOHN CAWLEY. Capt. R. N.

25, Cobourg-street, Plymouth, 1st June, 1838.

I have read the narrative of C. M. Goodridge, which is very interesting, and bears the evidence of authenticity.

EDWIN O'TREGELLES, of the Society of Friends.

Torquay, 23rd 3rd month, 1838.

Sir,

I have much pleasure in recommending your interesting Narrative; it is a simple and unvarnished tale; truth appears conspicuous, and it evinces a well-regulated mind and indefatigable industry. As history, it demands considerable attention, giving, as it does, a lucid account of the places you have visited.

w. P. Good.

May 12th, 1841.

Having questioned the Author, and having been on avoyage of discovery to the South Seas, I find the Author correct in his statements.

JOHN ALLEN, Engineer, Glastonbury.

Dec. 23, 1840.

Certificate of Miss E. Serjeant, Bath, March 8, 1842.

Having read the Narrative of Mr. Goodridge, left on the 5th instant, at my Residence, No. 8, Walcot Terrace, it has afforded me much entertainment and information—as well as gratification, in perceiving a sentiment of piety, and grateful acknowledgment, for many instances of signal deliverance.

E. SERJEANT.

Sir,

Upon your work being left at my house, as a somewhat nautical sort of a man, I was induced to give it an attentive perusal, and must candidly declare, I consider the same to be given in a very able plain-sailing sort of a manner, and verily believe from my own past experience, together with its being so well authenticated and generally countenanced, that the same is a just and true Narrative, and as such recommend it to the perusal of an enlightened British Public, renowned for its well known philanthropy, alas too often gained upon deception, but conscientiously consider none is attempted here.

WILLIAM HENRY FOWLES, Late of the Royal Navy.

Wells, Somerset, 2nd Feb. 1841.

Dover, January 4, 1844.

Frederick Dyer, has felt much gratification from the perusal of Mr. Goodridge's Narrative,—he can confidently recommend it as a work full of interest. To Children, the Narrative will confer a similar delight to what is felt by them on a perusal of that popular book, Robinson Crusoe, and their pleasure will be increased by a knowledge of the fact, that the Traveller is alive and sells his own book.

The following is a Copy of a Certificate which the Author has been very kindty favoured with, by Robert Brooks, Esq., one of the Owners of the Princess of Wales.

"I certify that Charles Medyett Goodridge, was a Seaman of the Cuter Princess of Wales, and the Narrative published by him of the Wreck of that Vessel is in every respect strictly true."

ROBERT BROOKS, Owner,

St. Peter's Chamber, Cornhill, Formerly of 80. Old Broad Strppt

August 2nd, 1843.

I have read Mr. Goodridge'a Narrative with very great interest and strongly recommend it for its instructive character and moral tendency.

CHARLES TOMKINS, MD. Abingdon.

June 3, 1850.

I have examined the Narrative of a voyage to the South Seas and I feel bound to say that the work is written in an engaging style; and what I have most of all to commend is, the sincere and trustful gratitude in a divine Providence, which is evident throughout; the author has undergone more than a human share of evil, and has met it with piety, energy, and cheerfulness.

Wm. HENRY MAYOR.

Worcester College, Oxford, Aug. 2, 1850.

The Rev. Francis Trench, Minister of St. Johns, Reading, has felt it a kind act to one who deserves to be encouraged, to say that he has received an excellent recommendation of Mr Goodridge, that he has been much pleased with what he has seen of his Christian character, aud that he has read his small work with much interest, as well as with the feeling that the testimonies to the value of God's word contained in that singular narrative cannot prove otherwise than useful, and that he has felt pleasure in forwarding its circulation in this Town. —The Rev F T. seldom gives recommendations of this kind, but has much pleasure in doing so in the present instance.—Reading, March 23, 1850.

The following is a List of the names of Ladies and Gentlemen who, at the places the Author has visited, have patronized and subscribed to the former Editions.

Those marked with a * are of the Society of Friends

INDEX.

ADDENDA.

To List of Subscriber's add

Bolinbroke, Rt. Hon, Viscount
Gardner, Rt. Hon, Lord.
Hobhouse, Rt. Hon. Sir Jon. C. Bart, M. P.
To Bright, Jas. Esq. M. P. add *

Page.

ERRATA.

47, Note, 2nd. line for " exmained" read "examined."
92, 11th. line up for "give" read " given."
95, 2nd. line up for "coustruct" read "construct."
195, Note, 4th line up, for "Bitteris" read "Bitterne."

NARRATIVE, &c.

In the previous editions of my narrative, I did not deem it necessary to say anything of my parentage, nor, as regards myself, should I now consider it requisite to enlarge on it, had not frequent enquiries been made of me as to my connexion with families resident in my native village, Paignton, Devon; I shall therefore, as briefly as possible, state the little I know about it. At one period, the names of Goodridge, Hunt, and Browse comprehended nearly the whole parish, and by frequent intermarriages, consisted almost of one family. My Father, Mr. Henry Goodridge, was the second son of Mr. Richard Goodridge, a Yeoman, who lost his life at the early age of 36 by the accidental cut of his finger, which turned to a mortification. By his father's death my father became possessed of a tolerably good estate; he then married, and settled the estate on his wife, as a jointure. By this marriage he had two sons and one daughter. His eldest son survived him, and consequently inherited the property. My father's first wife dying, he married my mother, who was the eldest daughter of Mr. John Goodridge, at that time (Aug. 1795) keeping the Crown and Anchor Commercial Inn, in our village, which, with the exception of a comparatively short period, has been held by individuals of the same family to the present time. I was born on the 22nd of May, 1796. When about 12 months old, I was very weakly, and subject to fits, which caused an obliquity in my sight,* in one of which I was so far gone, that Mr. Thomson, the Surgeon of the village, gave me over; after that, my constitution became more established, and I have experienced a very great share of health under all the hardships md difficulties I have experienced. When about 3 years old, I fell over the stairs that led to the school, and received a cut in my hp, the mark of which I still bear. I received my first instruction of the village school-mistress, Mrs. Lome, and at the age of six could read my bible pretty fluently; I was afterwards under the tuition of the village schoolmaster, Mr. Angel, by whom I was taught writing and arithmetic. There were near 80 boys and girls taught at the school, and Mr. Angel, a religious man, took occasion when we were employed in our daily reading of the scriptures, to expound such parts as he considered were beyond our comprehension.

I remained at school till I was near 13; when about 11 years of age, I had a very narrow escape of my life: as I was riding in a cart, driven by another boy, on coming near a bank I leaped out, but losing my balance, fell back, and the cart wheel went over my body. I lay some short time insensible, occasioned no doubt by fright, as on coming to myself, I was found quite unhurt.

Paignton is a village well situated to excite in the mind of youth, an inclination for a sea-faring life, placed as it is on the shores of Torbay, Devon, where so frequently, at the period of my boyhood, those noble structures which are at once the glory., the pride, and the safeguards of our island, were to be seen majestically floating on the surface of that spacious harbour. This village, is also situated near Dartmouth, a sea port at that time doing considerable trade in the Newfoundland fisheries, and consequently the focus of much mercantile speculation. The communication from Dartmouth, and also from the fishing town of Brixham, (where his Majesty's ships used to water,) with the great Western Road, lay through Paignton, it was therefore not unfrequent that our village was enlivened by the buoyant spirits of our tars in the overwhelming gaiety of a cruise on shore; and thus, beheld in the sunshine of its glee, the life of a sailor, to the thoughtlessness of the stripling, appeared a pleasant voyage on a smooth sea.

About this time, I used frequently to visit the beach at Paignton, between my school hours, to see the men-of-war's boats come on shore, and from making myself useful to them on some occasions, the commander of one of the ships expressed a wish to take me with him; but this proposal was overruled by my friends, as they wished to give me more time at school. This, however,, did not check the inclination I had felt for the sea, and at the age of thirteen, I hired myself as a cabin boy on board the Lord Cochrane, a hired armed brig, stationed off Torbay, to protect the fishing craft from the French cruisers, England being at war with that nation. Our usual custom was to sail with the fishing vessels every Monday, and return to Torbay every Saturday night. The Lord Cochrane mounted 14 sixpounders, and was commanded by Lieut, Joseph Tindal, the chief mate being Mr. John Storey, of Dartmouth; the sailing master, Mr. George Banfill, and the crew altogether amounting to 36. It was agreed that I should go three months on trial. It was late at night when I went on board, and I was handed through a port-hole, with one of the great guns staring me in the face. The dim light scattered round by a single candle, and the sight of the grim engine of death, over which I was conveyed without much ceremony, gave me no very pleasant feelings towards the life I had chosen; a few days, however, reconciled me to my station, and being treated with kindness, by both the master and commander, having also never suffered from sea sickness, I was soon as much pleased with my situation, as I was first alarmed at my introduction. Our commander was a most spirited and active officer; and the men were frequently exercised at the great guns and small arms in expectation daily of their being brought into more deadly use. On the first of September, 1809, having now been at sea some months, I was bound apprentice to Mr. Martin Gibbs, who was part owner of the Lord Cochrane, with Mr. Bulteel, a large ship-owner at Catwater, near Plymouth.

I was now placed on board the sloop Favorite, Mr. Harrison, master, (being one of the vessels captured at Copenhagen, in September, 1807.) She was destined for Neath, in Wales, after Culm, but when quite ready for sea, it was discovered she was not a British bottom, and the authorities would not permit her to sail. I was then sent to Plymouth, to join a ketch commanded by Mr. Harvey, another of the vessels captured at Copenhagen. This vessel was also partly owned by Mr. Bulteel, at whose house I was received and treated very kindly. The crew consisted of two Swedes, two Portuguese, one Dane, the Master, and myself, there being a great difficulty to keej English sailors, as so many were required to mart the English vessels of war.

This vessel, on arriving at Dartmouth, was also condemned by the authorities on the same grounds as the other. I was then, much to my satisfaction, sent to rejoin the Lord Cochrane, as I had been by no means comfortably situated among the Foreign seamen. One of the Portuguese, indeed, had, in consequence of some quarrel, attempted my life, by drawing his knife on me, but I fortunately escaped from him.

I may here mention a little anecdote; the Lord Cochrane being hired into the King's service, the crew were subject to the degradation and cruelty of flogging, at which they all felt very indignant. One of the crew being ordered for punishment, the Commander ordered the Steward to fetch the Cats, the instrument of torture. This is formed by fastening nine pieces of cord, about 18 inches long, to a strong wood handle, about 15 inches long, and is generally called a Cat-o'-nine tails. He went below, and after some time returned 011 deck, and with a very grave face, declared he could only find the handle, and that the Mice must have eaten the tails. This whimsical excuse upset the gravity of all present; the Commander himself was irresistibly forced to join in the laugh, and the man escaped punishment.

Whilst laying in Torbay, in the latter end of October, a signal was made from Berry Head, of a French Privateer being in the offing; we immediately weighed anchor, and got in sight of her just off the Start; but after a long chase she escaped by superior sailing. A few days after, however, we fell in with a French merchant brig^ laden with wheat, and captured her. My share of prize money amounted to £3. which I received at the usual period of twelvemonths and a day.

In the early part of 1810, I was removed from the Lord Cochrane, to a fiew sloop belonging to Mr. Gibbs, built by Mr. Page of Dartmouth, This vessel was also named the Favourite, Mr. Richard Paddon, of Brixham, Master. She was employed in the coal and culm trade, going to and from Wales and Dartmouth, till December of the same year, when we sailed for Waterford to take in provisions for the London Market.

When off Wexford, in Ireland, in company with a number of other vessels, we experienced a most violent gale of wind from the S. S. E. which was directly on the land. This Avas a most appalling scene, and the preservation of the vessel I was in was all but miraculous. She was the only one of the whole fleet that escaped, and most calamitous was the destruction of life, for I am not aware that a single soul of their crews was saved. This was a most sudden and awful visitation, and deeply has it ever been impressed on my memory.

The hair-breadth escapes that are frequently the lot of seamen, and the continual danger they are in, it might reasonably be supposed, would lead to serious thought, and to a continual preparation for death; but this it is but too manifest is seldom the case—and of this I have been but too frequently the witness;—the danger over, the storm is forgotten, and to a lucky chance is attributed what ought to be the subject of thanksgiving to an over-ruling power. This was exemplified in the conduct of one of our crew, who, having been sent aloft to strike the top-mast, finding the fid difficult to get out, began swearing so awfully, that the master severely censured him, asking him how he could use such blasphemous language, whilst we were almost in the jaws of death.

We were now obliged to make for Milford haven which we reached in safety. Another vessel, with four persons on board, foundered just before she reached the harbour, and all hands perished. We remained in Milford harbour a few days, waiting for a fair wind, and our master being then informed that vessels were much wanted at Wexford, lie determined on going there, and having nearly reached it, another gale came on, and we were again driven back to Milford, having suffered very severely. A few days after, we again sailed, and reached Wexford about Christmas, but being frozen up for three weeks, remained there till February, when we were freighted by Mr. Sparrow, of Inniscorthy, with provisions for London, at £3. 10s. per ton.

Wexford is famous for the sanguinary battle fought on its bridge, during the Rebellion, and some of the vessels sunk near the bridge on that occasion, were still to be seen. We arrived in the river Thames, in the beginning of March, 1811. We made another voyage to Ireland, and returned to Southampton, and from thence in July went to Guernsey, with straw for the troops. While laying in the harbour, after our arrival, having been almost forced to drink some raw spirits by my shipmates, it being only 4s. per gallon, I fell overboard from the boat I was taking on shore to bring off the master, and should have fallen a sacrifice to the baneful effect of drink, had it not been for the centinel on the east pier, who rescued me.

In this vessel I remained till April, 1812, when, in consequence of some disagreement, my friends took me out of her, and my indentures were cancelled.

During the ensuing month I was bound apprentice to Mr. Elias Randall, of Dartmouth, for three years. The vessel I next sailed in was a schooner named the Totnes, commanded by Mr. Randall. In her I made several voyages to and from London and Dartmouth. During one of these voyages, on October 30th, having lost sight of our convoy (his Majesty's cutter Sprightly), a French Privateer appeared in sight oft' Beachy Head, and we saw her capture a sloop near us, the crew of which, however, abandoned her in their boat, and escaped on shore. On this we steered for land, intending to run the vessel on shore, rather than be captured, and the Privateer gave chase, but about dusk the convoy hove in sight, and the Frenchman made off with all sail. We bore up for the Sprightly, and informed the commander of the unpleasant visit, and he went off in chase of the Frenchman. I afterwards heard that he came up with her, and gave her a good peppering, but from some cause was unable to take her.

In June, 1813, Mr. Randall having sold his vessel, and having no immediate employ for me, made an agreement with Mr. Follett, ship builder, of Dartmouth, for me to sail in a vessel belonging to him called The Trial, and commanded by Captain Woolcott, also of Dartmouth. This vessel was then laying at Portsmouth, and was hired by government to join a fleet of transports, to take out troops to Spain. On board our vessel were drafted parts of the 20th and 38th regiments of foot, commanded by Lieut. Campbell, and Lieut. Shepherd. We arrived at Passage, near St. Sebastian, about the latter end of July, after a passage of ten days. Previous to our entering the harbour we were becalmed, and two of the transports getting too near the fort of St. Sebastian, the French opened a fire of shells upon them. The Venerable, 74, was then laying off the fort, and immediately sent in seven boats and towed them out of the reach of the French shot, one of those brigs was the Bellona, belonging to Mr. Burnard, and commanded by Capt. Williams. She is now rigged as a barque, and sails out of Bideford. I met Captain Williams in July, 1840, at Appledore, and had a long chat with him and his wife, who was on board at the time. The storming of this fort had commenced on the evening previous to our arrival, and the thunder and lightning of the British cannon were heard and seen by us during the whole of the night. This was a most imposing sight, the elements appeared almost on fire, from the continual flashing of the cannon, and the bursting of the shells. In the morning we landed our troops, to the amount of between four and five thousand, besides a great number of horses at Passage, which was only 3 miles from the scene of action; and it was really a grand spectacle, to see what might be denominated an army taking the field, every man eager for the fray—the scene of the conflict within view—the sound of the cannon within hearing,—the music playing the most martial airs—the gay flags floating in the wind—and every face beaming with enthusiasm.—Then, and then only, did I wish myself a soldier, for with the true characteristic of a sailor, I had the usual dislike to a red coat, and the ardent admiration of a blue one. But these are the mere gildings of war, the varnish that is thrown over it to hide the blood, the wounds and putrifying sores, with the heart-rending wail of the widow and the orphan, which are the real attendants of war,—not to mention its soul-destroying effects, by giving loose to all the worst passions of the human heart. In sacred history are recorded the various wars of God's chosen people —these were for the punishment of the heathen, who forgot and defied the Almighty; but surely this cannot justify Christians in going to war with Christians. Their acknowledged chief, in his most exalted title, is the " Prince of Peace:"—Can it then be in accordance with his divine laws who said—" the first and great commandment is, to love God with all the heart; and the second is like unto it namely, " thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself." The lovers of Peace have here then a strong foundation for advocating the claims of the Peace Society; and there are very few now I believe, among Christians, who would venture to advocate a war of aggression.

I could not but remark, on going ashore at Passage, the buoyant spirits of the officers, regaling themselves at the different Inns, who appeared more like a jovial party going to a fete, than men who were so shortly to be engaged in deadly strife. The privates and non-commissioned officers also were enjoying themselves in various ways, a large number were bathing, the weather being extremely warm. A corporal Howard, who went out in our vessel, amused us during the voyage with his previous campaigns, (having been in sixteen different engagements,) and who appeared almost in ecstacy when we came in sight and hearing of the cannonading on shore; I learnt that he again reached England in safety.

One of the men on board, having been irregular in his conduct, was threatened with a flogging on his reaching our destination, when he swore in the most determined manner, among his companions, that his first shot in action should be at the officer who had threatened him, if that threat were carried into execution. I name this circumstance to show the feeling with which soldiers view this degrading punishment.

Most of the transports' men were employed on shore, after landing the troops, to assist in erecting batteries, &c. and many of them were killed. The vessel that I belonged to, however, with six or eight others, was dispatched to Bilboa, to take on board French prisoners for England, so I had no opportunity of exercising my newly-born martial spirit. We reached Bilboa about the middle of August, and about 3,000 prisoners were embarked. As there were more vessels than requisite to take them, after remaining to assist in their embarkation, we came home in ballast, which was a great relief to us, for on our voyage out we were so cramped for room, that one third of the men were obliged to remain on deck night and day. We understood from the newspapers when we reached England, that a large portion of the men we carried out were killed in the storming of St. Sebastian, but that both the officers escaped. We reached Portsmouth about September, and during the time we had been away, my master, Mr. Randall, had had a sloop built by Mr. Follett, and I was required to join her.

Shortly after I left The Trial, she was sent out to Spain with medicines, &c. for the army, and was totally wrecked at St. Andero; the crew, however, were fortunately saved.

Mr. Randall's new vessel was named the Dartmouth, he went with her into the coasting trade, and I remained in her until within a few weeks of the expiration of my apprenticeship, when Mr. Randall gave up my time, in order to enable me to join a vessel belonging to Mr. Harris, about to sail for Newfoundland.

This vessel was named the Ann, Mr. Thomas Cowles, master, and the first voyage I made in her, after reaching Newfoundland, was to Lisbon, with fish, but there being a slack demand, we proceeded to Figueira, and there disposed of the cargo. We then returned to Newfoundland. On our return passage, we saw a vessel dismasted and deserted, but fearing to lose the fair wind, we did not board her. We shortly after made a second trip to Lisbon, with a similar cargo.

While there, in the month of December, the vessel being now under the command of Mr, George Drummond, (who at the last time I heard of him was master of a vessel out of Brixham,) who had taken the situation of master in consequence of Mr. Cowles' ill health, and loading with a cargo of fruit for Bristol, being on shore with two of the crew, Charles Anderson, the mate, a Scotchman and John Dunn, an Irishman, and having made more free with the wine than prudence would have dictated, on returning to the boat, which had put ashore for us, we were surrounded by about twenty Portuguese, who, for the sake of plunder, picked a quarrel with us. The Irishman, like most others of his country, was the first to resent the insults offered—he was immediately attacked by the foreigners with their knives, and had his skull completely laid open. The Scotchman, being the nearest, went to his assistance, and too soon felt the vengeance of the assailants. He was most dreadfully wounded in several places; he had one large cut across his neck, another across his breast, and his face and one of his hands cut in deep gashes. They however escaped to the boat, but were on the following day obliged to be sent to the hospital, and it was near four months before they were sufficiently recovered to leave Lisbon. When I saw the fearful odds against my companions, and several of the Portuguese preparing to make a similar attack on me, I made towards the beach, and was followed by two or three of them with their knives drawn; I, however, dashed into the water, and they hesitated to follow me. The boy who came ashore with the boat, Daniel Jennings, (since commander of the Hope brig, of Dartmouth, belonging to Mr. Harris,) was witness of the attack, and called to me to make for the boat, but some of the party were between me and the landing place, and I took refuge on board a ballast lighter, from which I subsequently escaped, and reached the boat in safety. My two companions were so weak fron loss of blood, that we were obliged to hoist them on board with a tackle. This affair occurred on a Sunday, and had it proved fatal to the whole of us, it would only have been a just retribution for such a wilful breach of the sabbath, but I had to be thankful for an undeserved interference of providence in my favour.

We shortly after this left Lisbon for Bristol, and when we had discharged our cargo there, we were hired by government to convey cavalry troops to Ireland. We reached Waterford about the middle of January, and having landed the troops and horses, returned to Dartmouth about the latter end of the same month; I then left her and remaining on shore some time, I learnt the theory of navigation. I next engaged myself on board a vessel, the Mary, Mr. Horton, Master,, belonging to Messrs. Newman, Hunt, and Co. of Dartmouth, bound for Labrador, and under the instruction of Captain Horton, I brought my theoretical knowledge of navigation into good practice, Mi'. H. being an excellent navigator. This was in 1816. On our arrival there, I was removed to a schooner, called the North Ash, and reached Dartmouth in December of the same year, Mr. Beard, agent to Messrs. Newman, Hunt, and Co. coming home with ns.

In the latter end of January, 1817, I engaged myself on board the London, a schooner, owned by Mr. John Cuming, of Dartmouth, bound for the Western Islands, which had put into the harbour. She was commanded by Mr. Wm. Perring. of Dartmouth, and had on board a general cargo; the merchant, Mr. Walton, of Liverpool, being on board, with his clerk and black servant. When about 300 miles to the eastward of the Western Islands, we were brought to by a large ship, the crew of which were all dressed alike, in yellow. She hailed us, and was on the point of sending a boat on board, when a large troop ship, full of troops hove in sight, and she made off with all sail. From the appearance of both the vessel and crew we had every reason to believe she was a pirate, and considered our escape a most fortunate one. We arrived safe at Ingra, in the Island of Terceira, where we discharged our cargo, and reloaded with apples and onions, which we brought home to Liverpool, arriving in the harbour in the beginning of July. I made a second trip to Angra in this vessel, and on our arrival there, the master having gone on shore with the boat's crew to report the vessel, leaving the mate on board, the latter got hold of the grog bottle, and made himself quite incapable of taking care of the vessel, and a strong breeze springing up, with a heavy swell, she was drifting fast on the shore, when we put off and saved her; thus by the vicious propensity of one man's drinking to excess, the vessel was nearly lost, and his own life, with that of a boy left on board with him, would most probably have been sacrificed. We loaded home with fruit for Dublin, and arrived there safe about the latter end of October. We then loaded with salt for Guernsey, but had not proceeded far when the vessel sprung a leak, and we were obliged to put back, and having, as we conceived, secured her we again put to sea, but were obliged to put back secondly, go into dock at Dublin, and get her properly repaired. We again set sail, and on our voyage put into Plymouth; I was there obliged to leave her, being attacked with a rheumatic fever; I however procured a conveyance to my friends at Paignton, but was afterwards unable to leave my bed for many weeks, the ill effects of which I have felt occasionally through life, more particularly since my return to England.

When my health was restored I joined a brig belonging to Mr. Fog we 11, of Totness, called the Prince of Orange, Mr. James Fish, of North Yarmouth, master, and made a voyage to Sunderland for coals. On entering the harbour it blew a gale of wind, and two vesssels in company were lost, but their crews most fortunately escaped. This was about March, 1818. Our vessel returned to Dartmouth, and I then made a voyage in her to Memel, in Prussia, for timber, and returned loaded to Topsham, where we discharged our cargo.

I next joined a ship of 400 tons burthen, named the Success, belonging to Wm. Hodge, Esq. of Devonport, Captain Waygood, bound to Miramichi. This proved a most stormy passage of 74 days, and both pumps were obliged to be kept at work during all the period, the vessel being extremely leaky. We commenced loading timber, but were obliged to sail with only half a cargo, as the frost was setting in, and we were afraid of being frozen up for the winter. In coming through the Gut of Canso, which separates Cape Breton from Nova Scotia, we struck on a reef of rocks. This added considerably to the leaky state of our vessel, and fearing to proceed through the Gut, we returned through the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and after a very stormy passage, in a leaky ship, we reached England on Christmas Day, 1818. It was providential for us, that our cargo was not a full one, or in all human probability we should never have completed the voyage.

During the voyage out we had a narrow chance of being run down, in a gale of wind, by a large vessel, which passed within two feet of our spank* er boom, in the middle of a very dark night; indeed so alarmed were the watcli on deck that they sung out to the men below, to come up and save their lives. Hearing the call, but being positive from my reckoning that we could not be near either land or shoals, I considered the leak had increased, and that the ship was foundering. I jumped on deck, and was just in time to catch a glance of the ship as she passed, and thus to witness our almost miraculous escape.

In the April following, 1819, I shipped myself on board the Venus, Captain Silly, belonging to Messrs. Newman, Hunt, and Co. In this vessel I made three voyages during that year, from Newfoundland to Oporto; and returned to Dartmouth in January, 1820, after a passage from Oporto of five days, a gale of wind blowing all the time.

About April, 1820, I expressed my intention of going to London to go on a longer voyage than Newfoundland, adopting the phrase, that Newfoundland was hardly out of the smoke of my father's chimney. My Mother, however, opposed my wish, and pointed out to me the probability of my getting into bad company, and all the other dangers which London was then supposed to be so full; but neither her prayers or her entreaties were sufficient to arrest my headstrong will, and in my passion I declared I would not return home again for seven years. I had little intention however of keeping my promise, but my threat became my own punishment, my departure being accompanied with a breach of the " first commandment with promiseand now commences that part of my Narrative, which though I trust it will be most interesting to my readers, was the most disastrous to me, and which separated me from my native country for above eleven years. Our evil passions but too frequently lead us captive into sin and disobedience, not only against our natural parents, but against the God and Father of all; and any step taken with such a beginning, has seldom a favourable termination—we can scarcely expect a blessing on any undertaking began in sin, and carried on with wilful obstinacy; and if any of my young readers are at any time led to forget the duty they owe to those kind parents who have watched over their infancy, nursed them in sickness, and to whose anxious care they have been indebted for all the comforts and pleasures of their youth, I hope this will be a lesson to them, and prevent them from letting their evil passions get the better of their reason.

While in search of employ, I heard of a vessel about to sail on a Sealing voyage in the Southern Ocean. Of all mercantile voyages, perhaps this is one which promises more hardships to the sailor than any other; and therefore as an excitement to his exertions, and a reward for his labours, it is usually undertaken by the share: that is, each mariner gets a portion of the skins procured.

The day I entered was May the 1st, 1820, on a Monday, made memorable by the execution of Thistlewood and five others, for high treason. Curiosity led me to witness their exit, and I was very near being crushed to death by the crowd.

The vessel I joined on this expedition was named the Princess of Wales, a cutter, burthen about 75 tons. She had previously been a Margate hoy, and was purchased by Thomas Bark worth and Robert Brooks, Esqrs. then of 80, Old Broad Street, London. The crew consisted of the commander, Captain William Veale; the mate, Mathias Mazora, an Italian; 3 boys and 10 mariners.

After we had shipped our necessary stores and provisions, we sailed from Limehouse Hole, on the 9th of May, having a fair wind down the river. We stopped one tide at Gravesend, and had the articles of our agreement read over to us by Mr. Barkworth, one of the owners, to the effect, that we were to proceed in the Princess of Wales, cutter, to the South Seas, after Oil, Fins, Skins and Ambergris; and, as before stated, each mariner was to have a share, that is one out of every ninety skins procured; the boys proportionally less; and the officers proportionally more; and thus, all having an interest, a stimulus is created, producing a patience under privations, which would if not well authenticated be considered hardly endurable.

In going down the river, Captain Cox, the then active and zealous agent of the Merchant Seamen's Bible Society, came on board, and after some suitable observations, presented us with a bible.* We thought little of the gift at the time, but the sequel will shew that this proved to be the most valuable of all our stores. As, however, its worth was not made available till our day of trouble and misery, I will not dwell on it here, but pursue my Narrative.

We arrived at the Downs on the 10th of May, brought to for the night, and the next day proceeded down the channel, with fine weather and a moderate breeze; we arrived in Torbay on the 16th, where we came to an anchor; as the wind blew very strong from the westward, we remained wind bound for some days, and during this time I paid a visit to my friends at Paignton, to bid them farewell, which I did with a sorrowful heart, as my only sister was then ill in a consumption, of which she died the following; August. On the 21st, being Whitsunday, the weather proving fine, with a breeze from the northward, we again weighed anchor and proceeded on our voyage. We steered our course for Madeira, and on the 31st made that island Our next course was for the Canary islands, and having got into what are called the North East Trade Winds,* proceeded on towards Bonavista, one of the Cape de Verd islands, where we arrived the latter end of June. Our business here was to procure salt, and having taken on board sufficient to salt 10,000 skins, we proceeded to St. Jago, another of the Cape de Verd islands, to take on board a supply of water. There was a large schooner laying at Bonavista, well armed and well manned, and from her appearance we were led to conjecture that she was engaged in that most cruel of all trades, the procuring of slaves for our West India Colonies.

At this place we obtained a Monkpy, and having caught a large turtle, Jacko coming too near him, while laying on the deck, was so severely bitten that he died. The turtle weighed nearly a hundred weight, and made us several good meals. We took on board here a stock of yams, and a quantity of leaf tobacco, which the sailors formed into rolls for future consumption.

Off the island of Fuego (fire), so called from its containing a volcano which burns continually, we were boarded by a Spanish man of war brig. She sent on board of us her launch full of armed men, and among them a man of colour, who acted as an interpreter. The officer of the boat was so much crippled that he was obliged to be helped over the side of our vessel into their boat, which afterwards was the occasion of some jokes, not at the officer's misfortune, but at the idea of employing on active service such a lame leader. The Spanish sailors were making more free than welcome in overhauling our hold, &c., which being perceived by the commander of the Spanish ship, he immediately ordered them to leave our vessel, which was done, and we experienced no further annoyance. The Spaniard at this time had a large ship in charge, but we could not understand what she was. Here we saw flying fish in abundance, as also Bonetas, and that beautiful fish, the Dolphin.

On the 3rd of July, we arrived at Port Praya, St. Jago, where we supplied ourselves with water, and on the following day proceeded with a favorable wind from the North-east, which was the prevailing wind in those latitudes.

On the 19th of July, we crossed the Equator, in the longitude of 22deg. West, and here, with six others, I underwent the very pleasant ceremony of being shaved. I will not attempt a description of the shaving process we went through my readers may obtain a very graphic description, as performed on a larger scale, and with all due ceremony, in Chambers' Edinburgh Journal, No. 50.

From the Equator, to 30 degrees south, the wind blows from the South and East, and is called the South-east trade wind (see note, p. 48). We stretched across for the banks of Brazil, till we got out of the trade-wind, in the latitude of 30 degrees South; and on the 15th of August we met the prevailing Westerly winds, and then steered our course for Walwich Bay, on the coast of Africa, near the Tropic of Capricorn. We arrived there about the beginning of September, and our water getting short, we were obliged to explore the shore to procure some; the natives however being cannibals, and considered very savage, we sent the boat's crew on shore well supplied with fire arms. The natives presented a very formidable appearance, to the number of nearly 500, all naked, but armed with spears. This hostile appearance we were led to believe, was from their fear that we were come to entrap and carry them away for slaves, as had been practised by other vessels on this coast. The dread of our fire-arms prevented any attack, and one of the chiefs at last ordered them to lay down their spears. They immediately complied, and came down to the beach to us unarmed, and were very friendly, the women singing, and the men dancing, affording us considerable amusement. We remained here some days, and for small quantities of Ironhoop, Bread, and Tobacco, obtained Bullocks, Goats, Ivory, and other articles the produce of their country. The Iron Hoop was termed by the natives Cantabar; the Tobacco, Baccasah. In their eating they were very disgusting, preferring any putrid substances to wholesome animal food, of which they had an abundance; as an instance, a dead Whale had been washed on shore, and the carcass stunk to such a degree that we could not go near it, but there was continually a number of the natives eagerly devouring it. Our errand being to get water, and not being able to find any, we made signs to the natives to procure some, which they understood, and provided us with, but only in small quantities in Ostrich's egg shells; this being inadequate to our wants, we explored the shore for some distance to the leeward, and tried in several places, but to our great disappointment, after considerable labour in digging, we could procure nothing but salt water; we even ventured as far as a mile in shore, but with as little success, and were obliged to depart without any sufficient supply. We saw a great number of Ostriches on shore, and there were also Granets, black Eaglets, and a variety of other birds, peculiar to those latitudes.

On seeing a large rookery of shags, nearly a mile in circumference, we went on shore among them, and found them in possession of quantities of small fish, quite fresh, of which we supplied ourselves plentifully for our own use. We afterwards, however, caught sufficient for our own supply, in the bay, particularly Hake, such as are caught by the Torbay Fishermen. Sharks were also very numerous, which were no welcome visitors to our hooks and lines.

The natives were of middle stature, their skin very black, hut they painted their faces with a kind of red ochre; and the women decorated their hair with buttons and shells, the former of which were in much request as an article of traffic. They were very expert with their spears; we frequently saw them come to the water's edge, and kill the fish as they were swimming, and with a certain aim. They are very treacherous, and are not to be trusted. We could never go among them except well armed. Fire arms is wha,t they mostly dread.

During our stay here, I had a very narrow escape of my life: we had our muskets on deck for the purpose of loading them, previously to going on shore, when one of the crew took up one, levelled it at me and pulling the trigger, the pan flashed fire; he was dreadfully alarmed, and looked at me almost petrified, expecting to have found me dead at his feet, for at the instant the not hearing any report did not serve to convince him that the piece had not been discharged. On recovering himself, he threw a little more powder into the pan, and levelling at one of the blocks at the yardarm, he fired, and shattered it in pieces. It would be impossible for me to describe my own feelings' at what I could never consider otherwise than an interposition of that Providence, which, during my chequered life, has preserved me amid so many imminent dangers. In a few days we again set sail, and proceeded on our voyage. About the middle of September we had very heavy boisterous weather, but we got round the Cape of Good Hope about the end of the month. We tried to make the islands of Marseven and Diana, but the weather being foggy, we failed in the attempt we then proceeded on our voyage, and steered our course for Prince Edward's Islands, in the Southern Ocean. Our water now becoming extremely short, we were much pleased to see the birds called Divers, which is a certain sign of being near land, and it was with great joy that, on the 1st of Nov. we made the Islands, having, however, from the thickness of the weather, nearly passed between them unobserved. The southernmost, which is the largest, lies in the latitude of 46 deg. 53 min. South, and longitude of 37 deg. 46 min, East; the northernmost about nine leagues distant, and in latitude of 46 deg. 40 min. South, and in longitude 38 deg. 3 min. East.

I was much startled on nearing these Islands, it being in the night, to hear what appeared to me to be human voices proceeding from the water; but on enquiry, I was informed it proceeded from the king penguins, most beautiful birds, which frequent these seas in great numbers, in the vicinity of land.

We commenced our operation of sealing on the northernmost Island, on the 2nd. of November, but found the seals very scarce. There were sea-elephants in great numbers, but we were not fitted out for procuring elephant oil.

As there is no harbour for shelter, the plan pursued is, for one party to go on shore, provided with necessary provisions for several days, while the remainder of the crew remain to take care of the vessel, and to salt in what skins are procured. The prevailing winds are from the westward, and we used to he with our vessel under the shelter of the Island, and whenever the wind shifted to the eastward, which it sometimes did very suddenly, we had to weigh our anchor, or slip the cable, and stand out to sea. The easterly winds scarcely ever lasted more than two days, when it would chop round to the northward, with rain, and then come round to W. N. W. We should then return again to our shelter, take on board the skins collected, and again furnish the sealing party with provisions. The most boisterous season of the year in these latitudes commences in August, during which month the most tremendous gales are experienced, with much snow, rain and hail.

The hardships and privations experienced in procuring Seal skins on those islands may be faintly conjectured, when I state the plan pursued by the parties on shore. The land affords no shelter whatever, there being neither tree nor shrub on these islands, and the weather is at most times extremely wet, and snow frequently on the ground, indeed there is scarcely more than a month's fine weather during the year. Their boat, therefore, hauled on shore, serves them for their dwellinghouse by day, and their lodging-house by night. Their provisions consist of salt pork, bread, coffee, and molasses; and on this hard fare, with the shelter only of their boat turned upside down, and tussicked up,* they sometimes remain a fortnight at a time, each day undergoing excessive labour in searching for and killing seals, and very often without meeting with an adequate reward after all their privations. Added to this, when a gale renders it necessary for the vessel to drive to sea, each hour she is absent, the mind is harassed with fears for her safety, and of the consequences that would result to themselves if thus left on such a desolate spot, surrounded by a vast ocean, and where years might pass without a vessel ever coming near them.

Various birds inhabit those islands, or rather breed on them, such as the Albatross, Nellys, Peeos,* Molly-mocks, Sea-hens, Gulls, and different species of Penguins. Sea elephants also resort to them in great numbers; a detailed description of which I shall give in a future page.

We continued our sailing operations on these islands till the beginning of December, but finding the Seals by no means so numerous as we expected, and having taken on board our sealing party with what skins they had collected, we proceeded to some other islands, commonly called the Crozets, having been discovered by Captain Crozet, a French navigator, in the year 1772.

These islands are situated in the parallels of latitude between 46 and 47 deg. South, and longitude between 46 and 50 deg. East, and are very seldom visited. We made the three westernmost ofthem the 24th of December, being Christmas eve. The two small islands lie about 30 miles apart, the smallest being six miles in circumference, distant 12 miles, bearing E. S. E., from the largest, the other 12 miles in circumference, distant 30 miles, and bearing S. E. by S. These distances I do not of course give from actual survey, but only from the best of my judgment. The largest of the three is about 25 miles in circumference, and lies about 30 miles distant from one of the small ones, and about 12 miles from the other—the three forming an irregular triangle. The other two islands, which we subsequently visited, are about 70 or 80 miles to the Eastward of the three first, and lie about 11 miles from each other.

In Capt. Cook's voyages, these islands are stated to be only four in number, but there are five; two of them, however, as I have said before, being small, and the weather in these latitudes being generally foggy, one of them might very easily have been overlooked, in the cursory view taken of them by that able navigator. In Smith's General Atlas they are laid down very correctly.

It may be well to remark here, that to the leeward of the largest of the first three islands alluded to, there is a reef of rocks, distant about five or six miles from the land, and as there is no harbour, vessels visiting it would naturally seek shelter on that side, and these rooks are, therefore, in a situation which renders them peculiarly dangerous. To the best of my recollection they bore N.N.E. from the nearest point of land. I took their bearing accurately when there, but my log having been lost in the vessel, at this distance of time I cannot be quite positive.

When we first made the Crozets, we observed on the large island a number of animals which we joyfully anticipated to be Seals, but our disappointment was in proportion to our previous joy, when we discovered with our glasses that they were Hogs. We landed on this island on Christmas day, and found these animals very numerous and very large; indeed so formidable that it was dangerous to attack them single handed, as they are very ferocious, and the boars are armed with very large tusks. We killed one large Hog and some small ones, but as their only food is the coarse grass, and the bodies of dead Penguins, their flesh was not very palatable. The small islands were completely iron-bound, that is, the shores are so rocky and perpendicular, that there is no landing with any safety, and we consequently did not make any attempt at sealing on them. Our boats went on shore once on one of them, and brought ofl" several young seals to serve for provisions; but not seeing any seals with our glasses on the other, we did not land at all. The Sea Elephants, and different species of birds, were more numerous on the islands on which we first landed than on any of the others. The King Penguins were particularly numerous, and as they were by no means so on the other islands, I will describe them here: their size is about that of a goose; their rookeries, in some places as much as a mile and a half in circumference, are situated on the low swampy beaches, where the fresh water running from the mountains causes it to be continually wet; but this, as they make no nest, is of no inconvenience to them. They are very handsome birds, the colour of their necks being a mixture of red, yellow and purple, their backs grey, and their breasts white. They lay but one egg, which they carry in a pouch under their bellies, very similar to the pouch in which Kangaroos carry their young. In this pouch it remains during the period of incubation, which is about 7 weeks. Their flesh is not good for food, but we used to make use of their eggs, of which we robbed them, and this they would permit us to do, with very little resistance, being so tame that we could catch them with our hands, or knock them down with a stick, whenever we felt disposed. When robbed of their egg, they would lay again. They commence laying in November, and by depriving them of their eggs, they continued to lay till March. Their feathers are very short, and their cry resembles the hallooing of the human voice. They have no wings, but have instead, what are termed flippers, which they make use of in swimming. This is also the characteristic of all the four species of Penguins. Their posture when walking is quite erect, but their gait awkward. At a distance they have the appearance of a number of young children, in white aprons. Of the skins of the King Penguins we used to form a sort of shoe, (called by South-seamen, Moccassins,) by turning the feathers inward, and drawing them tight over our feet. They were very comfortable, but not very durable, for our excursions over the mountainous and rocky parts of the Island, would in a few hours wear them completely out.*

We continued our sealing on this island till the beginning of February, but having only obtained about 400 skins, and hoping that we might find the Seals more plentiful at the other Islands, we took our hands on board, and proceeded for them. On the 5th of February, we again landed our sealing party, eight in number, on the easternmost islands, leaving their usual supply of provisions with them, and the remaining seven proceeded with the vessel to the other island, in which there was a bay, which afforded some shelter.

The sealing party consisted of Matthias Mazora, aged, 46, and Dominick Spesinick, 50, Italians; Emanuel Petherbridge, of Dartmouth, 24; John Soper, also of Dartmouth, 17; John Norman, of London, 24; John Piller, of London, 25; Richard Millechant, of Dartmouth, 16, and John Walters, of London, 46.

Those in the vessel consisted of Mr. Veale, of Dartmouth, the master, aged about 28; his brother, Jarvis Veale, 24; myself, 24; Henry Parnell, 17; William Hooper, 28; and Benjamin Baker, of London, 16; and John Newbee, an Hanoverian, 24.

We used to visit the sealing party every seven or eight days, take on board the skins collected, supply them with a fresh stock of provisions, and again return to the other island, employing ourselves in the mean time, in salting the skins procured: we found however a great scarcity of seals on these islands also, at least as to the quantity we expected.

The last time we visited our sealing party was on the 10th of March, and our intention was to have visited them again on the 18th, but this turned out to be our last visit, at least with our vessel.

On the 17th, a gale came on from the S. E., accompanied by a heavy swell, and the Captain deemed it advisable to gain an offing; we accordingly slipped our cable aud stood to sea, but before we had proceeded any distance, it came on a dead calm, so that we entirely lost all command of the vessel, the swell of the sea continuing at the same time so heavy that our boat was quite useless, for any attempt at towing in such a swell, and against a strong current which was making directly on the land, was utterly vain; more particularly as the boats used in this service are made very light. The island presented to our view a perpendicular cliff, with numerous rocks protruding into the sea, which too surely threatened us with annihilation; and against them we were driven onwards—not a sacrifice to the violence of a present storm, but victims to the unspent power of a raging sea, lashed into fury by winds which now seemed hushed into breathless silence, the more calmly to witness the effects of the agitation raised by them in the bosom of this immense ocean. Weak indeed were our efforts to stem its force; we attempted to sound for a bottom, in the hope that we might be able to have recourse to our remaining anchor, but that hope was vain, as our longest lengths of line were found inadequate to reach it. It was now ten at night, and all was confusion, for our imagination led us to suppose ourselves much nearer the rocks than we really were; and from this time till midnight we were in momentary expectation of striking.—The suspense was truly awful: indeed the horrors we experienced were far more dreadful than I had ever felt or witnessed, even in the most violent storms; for on such occasions the persevering spirits of Englishmen will struggle with the elements, even to the last blast, or to the last wave that may overwhelm them; but here there was nothing to combat; we were led on by an invisible power—all was calm above us—around us the surface of the sea, although raised into a mountainous swell, was comparatively smooth; but the distant sound of its continual crash on the breakers, to which we were drawn by an irresistible force, broke on our ears as our death knell, and every moment brought us nearer to what appeared inevitable destruction; my disobedience to my maternal heart-stricken parent now stung me like an adder, her entreaties and kind solicitations came back to my memory, and my conscience charged me as the offender whose crimes had called forth the coming judgment. At last the awful moment arrived, and about twelve o'clock at night, our vessel struck with great violence. Although previous to her striking all hands appeared paralysed, now arrived the period for action- The boat was fortunately got out without any accident, and all hands got into her with such articles as we could immediately put our hands on, among which were a kettle, a frying-pan, our knives and steels' in our belts, as seen in the frontispiece, and a Fire-bag (this article is a tinder-box, supplied with cotton matches, and carefully secured from the damp in a tarpauling bag, and generally used by South-seamen), but without any provisions or clothes, except what we stood upright in; and unfortunately for me, I had in the morning taken off a good suit of clothes, and put on one not worth five shillings; this, witli a great coat I by chance saved, having previously put it into the boat, was all I secured.

The night was dark and rainy, and the vessel was pitching bowsprit under, we were surrounded by rocks, and the nearest shore was a perpendicular cliff of great height. We however tugged lustily at the oars, but with little progress, the sea-weed, called kelp, being extremely thick, long

WRECK OF THE PRINCESS OF WALES CUTTER

and strong, and the current running direct on the shore. We had not cleared the vessel above a quarter of an hour before we were threatened with another danger. An enormous whale rose near us and began beating the water with the flooks of its tail, within a very few yards of the stern of our boat, but fortunately it did us no injury.* Well may the poet say—

God moves in a mysterious way,
His wonders to perform;
He plants his footsteps in the sea,
And rides upon the storm.

After four hours incessant labour, we succeeded in effecting a landing, on a more accessible part of the island, but our boat was swamped, and it was with great difficulty we succeeded in dragging her on shore, which however we at length accomplished, and by turning her bottom upwards, and propping up one side as before described, we crept under and obtained some little shelter from the rain, being all miserably cold, wet, and hungry.

We remained huddled together till day light appeared, and our craving appetites then told us it was time to seek for sustenance; we therefore sallied forth in search of food; we were from our previous visits to these islands, aware that the Sea Elephants made them their resort, and hunger lending a keen spur to our exertions, we soon discovered one, although they were rather scarce at this period of the year, nor was it long before we had dispatched it. With its blubher* we soon kindled a fire; and the heart, tongue, and such other parts as were eatable, with the assistance of our kettle and frying-pan, were soon in a forward state of cookery. We also made a fire of some blubber under our boat, and by it we dried our clothes, and made ourselves somewhat more comfortable.

When we were in some measure refreshed, and had recruited our strength with the food we had procured, a party of us set out over the hills, in the direction of the spot where the vessel was wrecked, in order to ascertain her fate and to see if there was a possibility of saving anything out of her. They returned about the middle of the day, and reported she was laying on the rocks, on her beam ends, with a large hole in her lower planks, and the sea breaking over her, so that it was impossible she could hold together much longer; it was evident, therefore, that all hopes of saving her was at an end, and our endeavours could now only be exerted for the purpose of saving any portion of the wreck, such as planks, or fragments of wood containing bolts, nails, &C. that might prove serviceable to us in our desolate situation, and to which we now considered ourselves doomed for life; still, thankfulness for the preservation of our lives, was due to the Author of all good.

On the following morning wc succeeded in launching our boat, and we then proceeded towards the wreck. In our progress we discovered a cove much nearer the vessel than where we landed, and we resolved to make that our immediate station.

We next visited the wreck, and succeeded the first day in saving the Captain's chest, the Mate's chest, and also several planks. On the following day, the 20th of March, we picked up her trisail and some casks of bread; the casks however not being water tight, the bread was all spoilt by the salt water. This was a sad disappointment; it was as it were indeed and in truth, taking the bread out of our mouth, and my readers must recollect that we had no baker's shop from which to obtain a fresh supply—no corn in ground for a future hope—for with us there was no prospect of either seed-time or harvest; but there was that in store for us which was more precious than the widow's cruise, for the last thing we saved on this day, and which we found floating on the water was what proved the most invaluable of gifts,—it was the identical bible* put on board by Captain Cox, the agent of the Merchant Seamen's Bible Society, at Grravesend, on our sailing out of the river Thames, as before mentioned.

But too often are the gifts bestowed by the Bible Societies ill appreciated, and this had undoubtedly been the case with us, up to this time; but it soon became our greatest consolation.

What made this circumstance more remarkable was, that although we had a variety of other books on board, such as our navigation books, journals, log-books, &c. this was the only article of the kind that we found, nor did we discover the smallest shred of paper of any kind, except this bible; and still equally surprising was it, that after we had carefully dried the leaves, it was so little injured, that its binding remained in a very serviceable condition, and continued so, as long as I had an opportunity of using it.

On the next day we again visited the scene of our unfortunate wreck, but the wind having in the interval blown very strong we saw to our sorrow that nothing remained of our vessel but the Topmast, which had become entangled by the rigging among the rocks and sea weed, and this was the last thing we were enabled to secure.

The weather continued so wet and boisterous for three weeks from this time, that it was as much as we could well do to procure necessary food for our sustenance, and we therefore contented ourselves with the shelter our boat, tussicked up as before described, afforded us, during that period; the weather proving subsequently less inclement, our minds became somewhat more reconciled to our forlorn situation, and as we had no hope of obtaining anything more from the wreck of the vessel, we set about collecting all the materials we had previously saved, and then commenced erecting for ourselves a more commodious dwelling place. We had not to dig deep for a foundation, and having plenty of space, we had no need to make underground cellars, or raise our habitation to a four or five story attic. Although we had no masons among us, we resolved on having a stone built house; but necessity was our guide, I believe, more than choice; for there was neither a tree nor a shrub growing on the whole island, and the stock of wood we saved from the wreck of the vessel formed but a very indifferent timber yard, we were therefore obliged to be very sparing of that article. As we had no great choice of materials, we were not over particular as to the exact symmetry of our architecture, and not having the Times newspaper within reach, we forbore to advertise for either plans or specifications. Notwithstanding all these drawbacks, our work went merrily on, and our walls were up in much less time than Mr. Peto got up the walls of the House of Lords—aye or even the House of Commons, and ours was indeed a house of (at least short) commons. But to proceed—the walls being up our next care was the roofing, and now our stock of wood was obliged to be put more in requisition; our stock of nails, too, came into use—but it may be presumed we did not put two where one would suffice. Walls and roof-rafters being complete, our next want was something to keep the rain out. Although we had plenty of rocks and stones we had no slate, a thatch therefore seemed to be the next best material, and having plenty of long grass, it would no doubt have formed a very good covering; but we were very anxious to get snugly housed, for during all the time of our building we had no shelter but our boat turned upside down, as before described, so instead of slate or thatch we covered our rafters with the skins of the Sea Elephants we killed for food; and having by this means very soon covered in our house, it was jokingly remarked, that after all "there was nothing like leather." Having thus far completed our building, we began to look a little after the interior comforts; for our beds we gathered a sufficient quantity of the long dried grass; and the skins of seals we chanced to kill served us for sheets, blankets, and counterpanes. Our general bed places were divided off by fixing a board between each, but we had only the flooring for mattress or sacking. Across the feet end of the bed-places we nailed a plank, and this formed a long low seat, and served us instead of chairs; our meals were taken quite in pic-nic style,—for we spread our viands on the ground, having nothing we could form into a table. There was one exception as regarded the bed-places—Capt. Veale. having erected a kind of sleeping cabin, at one end of the hut, towards the sea, at a little distance from the ground; he had also an opening in the wall, to close which he made a sliding shutter; this formed a sort of port-hole, from which he could keep a look-out without moving from his sleeping berth. We drove a few nails in the walls to hang up any birds we had taken, which were not immediately required. I believe I have now given the sum total of our domestic arrangements, and my readers will see that we had very few conveniences; and were almost as destitute of them as Diogenes in his tub.

My readers must not conceive, that we were very complete builders, for besides having but few tools, we had neither lime for cement or whitewashing or paint for decoration; and also wanting glass, we were obliged to do without windows; the same opening therefore that served us for entrance, served also for the admission of light and air; and when the weather compelled us to shut out the cold we were obliged to shut out the light of the day also.

While constructing our hut, we found on the island traces of some Americans who had visited these islands sixteen years before, and who had built a hut and other conveniences; the Sea Elephants however had trodden almost every thing into the ground; and as we had no tools wherewith to dig, we could not search for anything they might have left. Providence, however, at length threw the means in our way of effecting our wishes;—for one of our company, John Soper, while searching for eggs at a considerable distance from our building, found a pick-axe, and brought it home in high glee. To men situated as we were, and cherishing a sort of superstition, which I have before remarked on, it was not to be wondered at that we should deem this almost a miracle; suffice it however to say, we all returned our hearty thanksgivings for the favour, and set to in good earnest to make use of it by digging up the place where traces of the hut remained; and our labour proved not to be in vain, for we got up out of the earth a quantity of timber, with pieces of iron, nails, &c. &c. all which we carefully preserved; we also found part of a pitch pot which would hold about a gallon. This proved highly valuable to us, for, by the help of a piece of iron hoop, we afterwards manufactured it into a frying-pan, our

other being worn so thin by continued use that it was scarcely fit to cook in. Digging further we found a broad axe, a sharpening stone, a piece of a shovel and an auger, also a number of iron hoops. These things proved of essential service to us. We did not save any of our lances from the vessel, and we had often considerable labour to kill the large male Sea Elephants; but we now took the handle of our old frying-pan, and with the help of the sharpening stone, gave it a good point—we then fixed it in a handle, and with this weapon we dispatched these animals with ease.*

A representation of an attack upon a Sea Elephant on the beach, near our hut is given in the print.

It may be conceived that our domicile, although comfortable, in comparison to our boat tussicked up, was by no means a very cheerful abode during stormy weather; from our want of skill as builders we had failed in forming a chimney that would properly carry off the smoke, it had therefore to make its way out in the best manner it could, and for want of a good draught, it would generally make the circuit of our room before it found an exit; consequently, after we had been thus confined for some days, we might well have been mistaken for a company of chimney-sweepers, our exterior being as sooty as might needs be, and our whole persons pretty tolerably smoke-dried into the bargain.*

Although storms were very frequent, it was only on two occasions that I remember their being accompanied by thunder; and my attention was more particularly drawn to this by observing the effect it produced on the Sea Elephants, which were on the beach, as they all instantaneously rushed into the water, as if panic-struck, and it was some time before they again ventured up.

The dog seals are named by South-seamen Wigs, and the female seals are called Clap-matches. The male seals or Wigs are larger than the largest Newfoundland dog, and their bark is somewhat similar. When attacked they would attempt to bite; and it required some dexterity to avoid their teeth, the wounds from which were difficult to heal. After our wreck, we used to kill them only for their skins, to make articles of clothing, as the flesh was very rank. The skins of the females we preferred for bedding—their cry when attacked resembles the human voice. They bring forth their young usually about December, on shore, where they also suckle them, but make the sea their general resort. The young ones are usually denominated Pompeys, by South-seamen, and are very excellent food. Their cry when attacked resembled that of a child, and tears flowed freely from their eyes. They are quite black and glossy, and almost devoid of fur. When two or three months old they become a beautiful silver grey, but are not so desirable for the table, as they are then weaned, and having to provide for themselves, become comparatively lean. The supply of seals we found very scanty, our principal dependence therefore was on the Sea Elephants, which, from their great tameness, became an easy prey; and served us for meat, washing, lodging, firing, lamp-light, shoe-leather, sewing-thread, grates, washing-tubs, and tobacco pipes, and in describing how we applied this animal to the several uses named, I will take them seriatim:—First then for food we used the heart, the tongue, the sweetbread, the snotters (a sort of fleshy skin that hangs over the nose), and the flippers (a sort of fin which assists the animal in swimming*); also the skins of the old ones, which with the snotters and flippers, well boiled, formed a thick jelly, and with the addition of a few eggs, two or three pigeons or sea hens, made an excellent soup. The tongue, the heart and sweetbread we roasted, boiled or fried, according as our fancy dictated.

Secondly, in the laundry department, when we required a day's wash, and this, by the bye was pretty frequent (as we could not boast of any large stock of linen), as soon as we had killed a Sea Elephant, we turned the carcass on its back, and taking out the intestines, we managed to let the blood flow into the cavity, thus making a washing tub of the body, we then rubbed away at our linen, dipped in the blood, as a washingwoman would in soap-suds, and after rinsing it out two or three times in the running brook close by, our wash was complete, and the linen was cleansed as well as if we had used the best soap for the purpose. We were led to try this plan, by observing that after our hands had been much smeared with blood in killing a Sea Elephant, they were much cleaner, when we subsequently washed them with water, than they were when we washed them at other times.

Thirdly, the use we made of these animals as regards lodging I have before described, by employing their skins as a material for our roofing.

Fourthly, our firing and lamp light were produced from the blubber or fat of the animal. For the former purpose we formed a grate with their bones on which we laid pieces of blubber; these were easily ignited, and formed a good substitute for wood or coals. For a lamp we inserted pieces of split rope yarn, in a lump of blubber (the pieces of blubber were usually about a foot square, or more, and several inches thick); we used to insert three or four wicks in it of about an inch long, being very sparing of our stock of rope-yarn; we set fire to all the wicks, on retiring to bed, and it seldom occurred that they all went out during the night. Our reason for doing this was to enable us to liirht our fire in the morning, for as we had but a small stock of matches, and no means of obtaining brimstone to make more, we husbanded them very carefully, in case of future necessity; we were also obliged to make use of our matches, to procure a fire occasionally while out on our foraging expeditions.

Fifthly, of the skins we formed also our shoes or Mocassins, when we wanted to make a durable article; and for this purpose, after we had cut out a piece of the skin of the proper shape, we cut holes round the edges, and then by running a thong, made from a strip of the skin, through the holes, we drew them tight over our feet.

Sixthly, of their hollowed teeth we formed the bowls of our tobacco pipes, and to this having attached the leg or wing bone of a water fowl, our smoking apparatus was complete. Tobacco however we had none, and as a substitute, thougfe a very poor one, we used to use the dried grass, but this soon weaned us of the practice, though most of us took it up again, when we were en' abled to procure tobacco.*

Having thus enumerated the various uses to which we applied the different parts, my readers will see that the Sea Elephant was a most valuable animal to us. These animals are, I consider, a species of Walrus, but are very different from those described by naturalists; at least in such works as I have had an opportunity of examining, among others, Shaw's Zoology, Wood's ditto, Mavor's Natural History, &c.

It has been enquired of me, whether it might not have been what is called the Sea Lion; but the description of this animal given by Captain Cook, in his Voyages round the World, by no means corresponds.

The largest Elephants are about twenty-five feet long, and eighteen feet round, and their blubber was frequently seven inches thick, and the produce of one of these animals would yield a ton of oil.

The fleshy protuberance at the snout of these

animals, more particularly the males, has the appearance of a proboscis, from which, and their great size, they doubtless derive their name of Sea Elephants.

Our cookery consisted principally of soup, comprised of the different parts of the Sea Elephant enumerated, with the addition of eggs, instead of vegetables or bread. To this we frequently added the brain of the animal, which was almost as sweet as sugar, and was often eaten by us in its raw state.

The only kind of vegetable on the island, besides grass, was a plant resembling a cabbage in appearance. When we first discovered this vegetable we considered we had found a great prize, as one of our party, Vm, Hooper, knew the plant, having used it for food in the Island of Desolation, in the South Seas; we therefore tried it several times, but found it so bitter that we could not make use of it, and were much disappointed, as we could not account for its unpleasant taste, as it had been as sweet as the best English cabbage when he had used it before.

Mr. Veale had fortunately saved his watch uninjured, so we were able to divide our time pretty regularly. When settled in our habitation, we usually rose about eight in the morning, and took breakfast at nine; after breakfast, some of the party would go catering for the day's provisions, whilst the others remained home to fulfil the domestic offices, to cook, &c. We dined generally about one o'clock, and took tea about five. For some months this latter meal, as far as the beverage went, consisted only of boiled water, but we afterwards manufactured what we named Mocoa, as a substitute for tea, and this was prepared from raw eggs beat up in hot water. We supped about seven or eight, and generally retired to rest about ten. We had saved an oil can in the boat; this served us to make our Mocoa in, and it favoured our cooking apparatus.

I have before said that the most valuable thing we preserved from the wreck was our bible; and I must here state that some portion of each day was set apart for reading it; and by nothing perhaps could I better exemplify its benefits, even in a temporal point of view, than by stating, that to its influence we were indebted for an almost unparalleled unanimity during the whole time we were on the island. The welfare of the community was the individual endeavour of all; and whatever was recommended by the most experienced, was joyfully acquiesced in by the rest. If ever a difference of opinion arose, a majority of voices decided the measure, and individual wishes always gave away to the proposals that obtained the largest suffrages. Peace reigned among us, for the precepts of Him who was the harbinger of peace and good-will towards men, were daily inculcated, and daily practised. It is with the greatest gratification I dwell on this subject, and never will the benefits bestowed on us by that precious gift be obliterated from my mind. If ever there was a fulfilment of that promise, as contained in Ecclesiastes, xi. 1, " Cast thy bread upon the waters, and thou shalt find it after many days," this simple fact must bring it home to every, even the least, contributor to that most valuable of all institutions, the Seamen's Bible Society; for it was fulfilled even to the very letter:—The Bible when bestowed was thrown by unheeded—it traversed wide oceans—it was scattered with the wreck of our frail bark—and was indeed and in truth found upon the waters after many days; and not only was the mere book found, but its value was also discovered, and its blessings, so long neglected, were now made apparent to us. Cast away on a desert island, in the midst of an immense ocean, without a hope of deliverance, lost to all human sympathy, mourned as dead by our kindred; in this invaluable book we found the herald of hope, the balm of consolation, the dispenser of peace, the soother of our sorrows, and a pilot to the harbour of eternal happines. How truly was the saying exemplified to us, that "Man's extremity, is God's opportunity."

Our days thus passed on with very little change, " hope deferred maketh the heart sick," and this would indeed have been the case with us had not a new hope, inspired by the word of God, cheered us in our most desponding moments. But even here the bible was not without an enemy, for one of our crew (Matthias Mazora, an Italian) was a professed Atheist, and would deride and make sport of our religious exercises; he was however extremely ignorant, not being able to read, at least not the English language, and having no one to second him, his conduct did not disturb the general harmony that reigned among us. Ours was really and truly a Peace Society. A very curious circumstance occurred relative to this man, Mazora:—Sailors are, generally speaking, superstitious, yet it is by no means a superstition which begets fear; but rather a belief in supernatural agency, and in prognostications; and this perhaps arises from a large portion of their time being spent in night watching, when, to beguile the hours, tales of mystery are frequently resorted to. Be this however as it may, a complete and most extraordinary change took place in this individual, and which was occasioned by an interposition which he deemed supernatural; and whilst we have on record the narrative of the conversion of Colonel Gardiner; and whilst we also admit the power, why should we deny the practice, of a visible interference by Omnipotence in our earthly concerns. The story he gave of himself was as follows:—He had been seeking for provender alone, and evening closed on him before he could reach our dwelling. The darkness perplexed him, and the ground which he had to cross being very uneven, and interspersed with many rocks and declivities, fear increased rather than decreased his powers of perception, and he became so much alarmed that he was totally unable to proceed. Here he first felt his own weakness; he hallooed loudly for help, but he was far out of hearing of our abode; and his own voice reechoing back, became to him a fresh source of alarm. Bereft of all human aid, and every moment adding to his fear, he at length called on the name of his Maker and Saviour, and implored that assistance from heaven, which, in derision, he had before so often scorned. He prayed now most fervently for deliverance; and suddenly, as he conceived, a light appeared around him, by which he was enabled to discover his path, and to reach our hut in safety. So fully satisfied was he himself, that it was a miraculous interposition of Providence, that from that period he became quite another man; he never after contemned the bible, or derided our daily reading, but on the contrary was a most attentive listener; and this would not content him—for so eager was he to gain a knowledge of its truths, that he would often solicit some of us to read it to him, when we were not otherwise engaged, and which myself, as well as others frequently did.

He would after some time, choose the portions of Scripture he preferred: and after I had read portions of the prophecies, he would request me to seek their corresponding fulfilment in the New Testament, and he would dwell with much satisfaction on those strong corroborations of Gospel truth. The merciful promises held out to sinners by faith in the Saviour, were also his favourite subjects, and the numerous passages in which salvation is offered to all who seek it through Christ, appeared to give him much delight. Such portions of Scripture as Psalms lv. 22. " Cast thy burthen on the Lord, and he shall sustain thee." Matthew xi. 28. " Come unto me all ye that labour and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest." Acts xvi. 31. " Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved." Luke xv. 7. " Joy shall be in Heaven over one sinner that repenteth. 1 Tim. i. 15. " This is a faithful saying, and worthy of all acceptation, that Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners, of whom I am chief." These and other such like passages he would get by heart and frequently refer to; indeed from being a determined scorner, he became a pattern to us in the search for Divine truth.

The late Mr. Jonathan Dymond, of Exeter, in his " Essays on the Principles of Morality," says, " The British and Foreign Bible Society, during the 20 or 30 years that it has existed, has done more direct good to the world—has had a greater effect in meliorating the condition of the human species—than all the measures that have been directed to the same ends, of all the Prime Ministers in Europe during a century."

This statement, supported as it is by daily evidence, in every part of the world where the scriptures have travelled (and they are now, thanks to that society, translated and printed in almost every known tongue), affords a most cheering prospect —and creates a hope, that at no distant period its great moral truths will be implanted and practised in every part of the habitable globe.*

It has been enquired of me, how it was that we did not make an attempt to join our shipmates on the other island? This was a subject we several times discussed, and a majority of voices being against it, the others acquiesced. The reasons urged were, that the prevailing winds, being most always to the westward, would have prevented our returning; we had also nothing on our island but what our shipmates possessed in greater plenty; we also anticipated that they might possibly make a trip to the island we were on, when the wind chanced to blow that way; but the strongest reason was, the boisterous state of the weather, and the frailty of our boat, which was by no means capable of standing a rough sea.

To return to my narrative—being settled down into a somewhat more comfortable and regular life, we had leisure to explore the other parts of the island, and to contrive other means for sustenance.

Great numbers of birds visit these islands. Of the King Penguins* I have before spoken, but their flesh was not good for food. There were three other species of Penguins, named by Southseamen Macaroonys, Johnnys, and Rock Hoppers. The Macaroonys congregate in their rookeries in great numbers, frequently three or four thousand; they ascend very high up the hills, and form their nests very roughly among the cliffs and rocks; they are somewhat larger than a duck—they lay three eggs, two about the size of duck eggs, on which they sit —the other is smaller, and is generally cast out of the nest, and we used to term it the pigeon's egg; for another kind of bird which frequent these islands, almost in every respect resembling a pigeon, make their principal food of eggs in their season, and would rob the nests to procure them, unless they found those cast out eggs, which most commonly satisfied them till the others by incubation were unfit for food. A similar practice we observed with the Rock Hoppers, but the Johnnys, like the King Penguins, lay only one egg each, unless deprived of them.

The Johnnys build their nests superior to either of the others, among the long grass, sometimes high up the hills, and sometimes on the plains, but not in very numerous rookeries, seldom more than three or four hundred together. Those birds lay both in winter and summer, and by robbing their nests we kept them laying nearly all the year round.

We observed, when we robbed those which formed their nests on the plain, that they rebuilt their nests higher up. When we took the eggs of these birds, they would look at us most pitiously making a low moaning noise, as if in great distress at the deprivation, but would exhibit no other kind of resistance; the King Penguins, however, would frequently strike at us with their flippers, and their blows were rather severe.

The Rock Hoppers form their rookeries at the foot of high hills, and make their nests of stones and turf. They hop about from rock to rock, from hence they derive their name. This is the only species of Penguin that whistles; the King Penguins, as I before stated, halloo—and the Johnnys and Macaroonys make a sort of yawning noise.

One kind of bird which proved very valuable to us are called Nellys. They are larger than a goose, and resort tothose islands ingreat numbers. They make burrows in the ground, and were very easily caught. These birds are so ravenous, that after we had killed a Sea Elephant, they would in a few hours completely carry off every particle of flesh we did not make use of, leaving the bones as clean as possible; but although they were thus useful, they were also very mischievous, for unless we kept a good look out, they would unroof our dwelling for the sake of the skins of the Sea Elephants, with which we covered it. These birds congregate about one hundred together, make their nests in the long grass, and lay only one egg each. Their young became very good eating in March, and were highly esteemed by us. We never destroyed the old ones, fearing they w'ould desert the island. The most useful of all the birds, however, which frequented those islands, was the Albatross. This bird is larger than a swan. They built their nests on the plains, and about two hundred in a rookery. They are So careful to preserve their nests dry, that if the ground is at all marshy, they raise their nests about two feet high, by digging a trench round, and throwing up the soil in the middle. Some of the old birds grow to a great size; we have measured their wings spread out at full length, and they have reached twelve feet from tip to tip. They lay about Christmas, only one egg each, but their eggs are very large the shell holding about a pint. Their period of incubation is about three months. The young when hatched are covered with down, and they grow wing-featliered about May; they were then excellent for the table, and provided ua with a very good dish for a long period, as they did not fly off until December. With these also we used to act with prudence, fetching those at the greatest distance in fine weather, and not interfering with those near home, unless the inclemency of the weather prevented our going far from our hut. On Sundays, as an especial meal, our dinner frequently consisted of giblet soup, prepared from the heads, feet, &c. of the Albatross, which were first scalded in boiling water, and then cooked in our best style, though I expect not quite equal to the cuisine of Mons. Soyer.

Besides the birds enumerated, there were a great variety of smaller kinds, nearly all of which formed their nests in holes in the earth,* and were mostly night birds, so termed from their visiting the land principally at night, to avoid the larger birds, many of which preyed on these smaller ones, more particularly those called Sea Hens, which are about the size of our fowls and are very destructive to the smaller birds, being armed with very sharp claws, and being also very ravenous. These birds also bred on the island, and we made use of both the old ones and the young ones. When taking the young birds, the old ones would dart on us, and if not warded off with a stick, would inflict very severe wounds with their claws; on some occasions they have darted at us with such force as to impale themselves on a lance or sharp stick that we have held out to keep them off.

Another description of birds were termed Black Eaglets. They were of the colour and about the size of crows, and made their nest in holes in the earth. About day light the old ones used to fly out to sea, to avoid the attacks of the Sea Hens, and would not return again till dusk. We used to dig out the young ones, which, about March, were of a good size and very fat.

The smallest birds that yisit these islands are about the size of a sparrow, and are called the King Birds, in consequence of their being a match for any of the birds of prey. These King Birds have a beak as sharp as a needle, and when any bird of prey approached them, being very quick on the wing, they dexterously alighted on its head and by pecking at their foe with their sharp bills, soon caused the enemy to retreat; and when they had driven them to some distance from their nest, would leave them crying with their wounds.

The small birds we used to catch by lighting a blazing fire after dark with Sea Elephant's blubber and dried grass, at the foot of some tolerably high cliff; this would attract them in quantities, and they would fly with such force against the rock as to stun themselves, and falling down we obtained a large supply. These consisted of Petrels, Blue Petrels, Black Eaglets, Night Hawks, Divers, and several others.* Besides these we caught Teal or wild ducks; these used to swim about the small ponds, when moulting, and then, by wading after them, we frequently caught a good supply; but this was by no means a pleasant sport, as it was only in the cold season that they were numerous, and wading up to our middle or deeper, in cold boisterous weather was any tiling but agreeable, particularly as our wardrobes did not supply sufficient necessaries for a frequent change. From exposure of this sort I was laid up for some time with a severe attack of rheumatism, which confined me to our hut many days, but my constitution being tolerably good, I soon got about, and was again able to take my share of the general duties.

Besides the sea birds I have before mentioned, there was a land bird on these islands, which Southseamen call pigeons, which I have before alluded to; they are quite white, and were so tame at our first landing, that we could easily catch them with our hands, but after a time they became shy, and we were obliged to snare them. This we effected by forming a running noose in some line we had manufactured from the rope yarn saved from the wreck; then placing some blubber in the loop, the pigeons were enticed within its circle, and by pulling the end we caught them by the legs.

From the details I have give, it might be supposed that our supply of food was far more abundant than we had occasion for, but I must state, that a large part was only to be procured by going to a considerable distance; and the weather in these latitudes, as I have before observed, being extremely wet and tempestuous, it was not at all times that we could go to procure it. Our supply of salt too being very small, we could not preserve a stock on hand, and if, when the weather was fine we obtained an over abundant supply, we had no means of preserving it, as we had no supply of salt adequate to that purpose. In making our soup we frequently used a portion of salt water to flavour it; after some time however we set about manufacturing a supply of this valuable and almost indispensible article, one method was to fill our frying pan with salt water, and by keeping it over a fire, evaporate the water and the salt was left at the bottom; this was however a very tedious process, and it gave us barely sufficient for our culinary purposes, and quite an inadequate supply for preserving a stock of provisions; it indeed required much labour with us "to obtain even salt for our broth."

I may remind my readers too tliat there were seven mouths to fill; and having no grain or vegetables, the quantity of animal food we made use of was much larger than would be conceived by those who have never been deprived of the mucilaginous nourishment derived from bread, potatoes, &c. It will be recollected also, that our continual excursions, in all weathers, gave us rather strong powers of digestion, and our appetites were consequently in general pretty sharply set.

It may not be out of place, to show the danger of our perambulations, to mention two instances in which I had an almost miraculous escape from destruction. The first occurred in the month of June, 1821. I had been on a foraging excursion and was retumiiicr laden with the skin of a large male Sea Elephant, which I had killed, and which weighed nearly a hundred weight, when I was benighted, and missing my path, I fell with my load over a cliff, about twelve feet high; fortunately the skin was precipitated from my back, and falling under me, partly broke my fall; there being also a quantity of thick grass growing below, I escaped with only a few slight bruises, and reached home in safety. On the following day when I visited the spot, I found that I had had a narrow escape; for about six feet further to the right, the declivity was more than twenty feet, with a rocky bottom; and where, had I chanced to have fallen, nothing less than a miracle could have saved me

In the October following, most of us were on a foraging excursion after Macaroony's eggs, when my companion, Jar vis Yeale, brother of the commander, being a few yards in advance, picked up a Rock Hopper's Egg; and this being rather unusual at so early a period, their time of laying not being till November, he stopped to make some remark, which not hearing for the noise of the Penguins, I stopped to listen, and at that instant, a large portion of rock, weighing several tons, being accidently loosened by some others of our party foraging on a cliff above us, fell with a tremendous crash between me and Yeale; and thus was I again most providentially saved.

Such escapes from the very jaws of death, made me often reflect on the kind mercy of that Almighty Protector, who, while we were shut out from all human association, except among ourselves, was still present to guard us.

I may here also mention an accident which occurred to us in the month of July, which had liked to have been a very serious one. We were all asleep except Benjamin Baker, and he being aroused by the smell of fire, arose, and discovered that the wood we had formed into a mantle-piece had by some means ignited, and was making a rapid progress towards the roof of our dwelling. He immediately alarmed us, and we lost no time in pulling down the burning materials, and our water brook being near, we soon extinguished the fire. Our beds being of dried grass, had not Baker been providentially awake, we all stood a good chance of being burnt to death. Again, however, we were preserved, and again it called forth our heartfelt acknowledgments to that Being to whom we had so often been indebted for the preservation of our lives. Had we not stopped the conflagration; our deprivation would have been great; for we had no other shelter to resort to, as ours was a single house, on a single island; no insurance office to make good our loss, or to build us another, and very few materials with which to construct one ourselves.

There was another kind of danger to which we were exposed, namely, bog-holes; these were sometimes ten feet over, and eight or ten feet deep, filled with a soft slimy mud; we conjectured they were formed by the Sea Elephants, near marshy places, as we frequently found these animals in them. When benighted we were obliged to go with great caution to avoid them, as there would have been little chance of our getting out, had we once fallen in.

Our table utensils were at first very scanty, we however contrived, after some time, to manufacture some wooden spoons; and of a keg we had saved, cut in two, we formed a pair of soup tureens, and after this we made some wooden trenchers. With these elegancies we considered ourselves provided with comforts of a superior description.

When we caught a young Seal, it made us a rare and delicious repast, hut they were extremely scarce. Seal skins also, after a few months, were in considerable request with us, for articles of clothing, as those we had when wrecked, were soon worn out, and we had no other resource but Seal Skins to supply ourselves with others. I have before mentioned that I was fortunate enough to save a great coat; and when my other clothes were entirely worn out, I set to work to manufacture this single garment into a suit. We had sharpened a nail so as to make an awl, and the sinews of the Sea Elephant served us for sewing thread. I took out the lining of my said coat, and this with some contrivance I converted into a shirt; I then cut off the skirts, and with these I manufactured a pair of trousers, and the upper part served me for a jacket. Thus from one garment I procured both linen and outer clothing; but it may be conjectured that my wardrobe was not a very lasting one, particularly as I had no change; but I, like other folks who go abroad, kept this suit for my travelling excursions. "With my utmost care, however, as my journies were pretty frequent, the weather boisterous, and the roads not M'Adamised, (this term I have learnt since my return,) I could not keep it in wearing trim any length of time, so was obliged to resort at last, with the rest, entirely to a Seal skin costume,* and for more than twelve months I was without even the comfort of a shirt. As we happened to have neither a barber nor razors among us, the addition of long beards, to our Seal skin dresses and fur caps, with a knife and steel stuck in our belt, gave us anything but a pleasing exterior, however, as we had not to come in contact with any of the fairer works of Creation, we did not much study our appearance; and on the whole we formed as grotesque a group as could well be imagined.

The soil on these islands was principally turf, and would require great labour to bring it into cultivation; indeed I consider it would have been impossible to cultivate grain, as there was no fine weather to ripen or to save it. Potatoes and other vegetables might have been grown with some chance of success, but we had none for seed.

The male Sea Elephants make their regular periodical appearance about the middle of August, and about the latter end of the same month they are up in great numbers, and range themselves along the beach, close to the water's edge. Very severe conflicts frequently took place among them for possession of the beach.* The females come up to have young early in September, and continue to suckle them for about five weeks. When first brought forth, the young are quite black, and their skin beautifully glossy; this formed our most approved material for caps. All the old female Elephants returned to the sea about the middle of October, by which time they would have lost nearly all their fat, in suckling their young. The old male Elephants, and the young ones, would now proceed inland, some as far as two miles, (as many as a hundred in a herd) and live together most amicably, till about the beginning of December, when both the old ones and the young ones would return to the sea; the old ones nearly reduced to skeletons, and the young ones by no means as fat as when they were left by their dams, as they do not make use of any food on shore, and this is rather a long fast. During the time the dams stay with them, the young ones grow amazingly, and become of a beautiful silver grey, similar to the Seals. In February the Male Elephants were generally up in great numbers, and in very good condition, and are then termed by Southseamen March Bulls. They lie huddled together in heaps (termed pods) like pigs, but have frequently sham fights, which we used to consider their mode of training against the real fights in August. From December till the following Aug., however, the yearling and bull Elephants make these islands so general a resort that they are always to be found and pretty plentifully; but the periods I have mentioned are those in which they make their more regular visits.

Previous to our finding the pick-axe, we made a discovery, which was a matter of much conjecture among us, and for which we could no way satisfactorily account. I have before said that there was neither tree nor shrub on the island; but in the course of our foraging excursions, when above a mile from the reach of the tides, we found several trunks of trees, about fourteen feet long, and from fourteen to eighteen inches through, laying on the ground, as if thrown there by the sea; the distance from the water, however, rendered this impossible—and after our most sage consideration we could not solve the difficulty, as to how they came there. The conclusion we came to was that those islands were produced by some violent convulsion of nature, (the great body of the island being composed of calcarious matter) and that at the period it took place, those trees were floating on the surface of the water, and were thrown up with the volcanic eruption. Should this work be perused by any philosophical readers, they will perhaps smile at this wise conjecture; however, if it affords them amusement I shall be content.—Be it as it may, it was a very acceptable boon, (though rather a cumbersome one) as we were at that time much in want of weapons, and the wood being close, heavy and hard made very good clubs; and those we had before in use were many of them broken and disabled by our attacks on the Sea Elephants.

To remove such of the trees as we wanted, we were obliged to split them up in several pieces on the spot; and this we effected by first making a small incision with pieces of iron hoop formed into knives, and then with stone wedges rending them asunder. It may be readily conceived that this was a work of some magnitude and labour, but what will not necessity and industry accomplish.

I must now give some account of the party who were left on the other island previous to our being wrecked. I have before stated the reason for our making no attempt to visit them.

It will be recollected that when we left the sealing party on the 10th of March, it was our intention to return and supply them with fresh provisions at the end of eight days; but when, at the expiration of that period, they found that we did not make our appearance, it was feared by them that our vessel had been wrecked—and those fears were corroborated by their perceiving pieces of wreck washed ashore on their island. They now as a matter of course considered that the vessel was lost, and that all hands on board had perished. They remained, however, at the spot where we left them for about six weeks; and at the end of this period, finding their means of living very scanty, they removed to another part of the island, where the means of providing for their stomachs were more plentiful. Their course of living was so much in accordance with ours, which I have before described, that it would be a useless repetition to state it. At the latter end of the year, in December, 1821, finding the seals very scarce, and other provisions scanty, they determined on visiting the island on which we were thrown, but without the least expectation of finding any remnants of the vessel, much less of meet ing those they had long considered buried in the ocean.

They started in their boat very early on the 13th of the month, and reached our island about ten o'clock the same morning, fortunately landing in the very cove we had chosen for our residence, and the joy of all hands on meeting can much better be conceived than described. After some few days spent in mutual congratulations and enquiries, we entered into arrangements for our future conduct. The size of our hut, being built only to accommodate seven, it of course required contrivance and management to render it capable of accommodating fifteen. We had to make a new arrangement of sleeping places, of seats, &c., and then were obliged to stow ourselves tolerably close when all hands were at home.

The party had brought 'with them their kettle, frying pan, a bag of nails, hammer, and other implements, which added considerably to our stock of necessaries, and we continued to live together for a time.*

It happened that one of the sealing party, when they went ashore, had taken a bible with him, which on some previous occasion had been presented to him by the Bible Society, and this book had also proved as valuable a friend to them, as that given by Captain Cox had been to us; this was indeed a most delightful coincidence, may I not say a merciful providence; and how much did it add to our joy of meeting, that a unity of sentiment on the subject of our religious exercises prevailed among us all, and that our daily reading was by no means interrupted, but rather more strongly enforced, by the addition to our number; more particularly having him to join us who was before a scoffer, but now a lover of truth, and a believer in Christ.* When I repeat that the boisterous state of the weather would sometimes confine us to our hut for two or three days together, the comfort afforded by such a resource will be much more fully conceived; and several now read the sacred Scriptures with pleasure and profit who had scarcely looked into a Bible since the period they had left school.

With what self-gratulation may the contributors to the British and Foreign, or the Seaman's Bible Society read these simple facts; not in the spirit of self-pride, for the end was in the hand of a mightier Being, but in a spirit of humble thankfulness that the means to which they had been permitted to lend their aid, had been so fruitful in blessings to those so far out of the reach of all other relief from their fellow-creatures. This is a species of charity, which extendetli not only to the utmost parts of the earth, but will last to the end of time,—nay, even to eternity. Its benefits are beyond human calculation—infinity only can trace them. Much more might be added—but I confine myself to these few remarks, elicited by truths which came under my notice; and which I trust will be acceptable to my readers.

To return to my Narrative—there being now fifteen of us, we soon found that our utmost exertions, at this season, were scarcely sufficient to provide us with the means of sustenance; we were therefore obliged to exert our ingenuity for further supplies, and our attention was drawn to the sea to furnish them. Soon after our settlement on the island we occasionally had recourse to a fish diet, but the fish had become too shy for us to take them in the way we had before done. Our mode of fishing was certainly a novel one:—one party used to take long strips of the Sea Elephant's blubber, and putting one end close to the water, a fish resembling a Gurnet would come and nibble at it, and then by drawing it gently up the sloping rocks, the fish would follow it far enough for another person watching his opportunity to strike it a smart blow with a club, and thus knock it sufficiently far up the rock to enable him to secure it. They had, however, in course of time, become so shy, that they were not to be taken in this way, and we were obliged to have recourse to a more scientific method; for this purpose we took out the rings that were attached to our sharpening steels, and having sufficiently heated them in the fire, we bent them into the shape of fishing hooks, and then gave them good points with the sharpening stone we so fortunately found in digging where the previous visitors to the island had formed their hut. Having now fishing hooks, our next affair was to manufacture lines, and this we soon managed by untwisting portions of the cordage we had saved from the wreck, and by retwisting the oakum into small threads, and those again into cord we were fully equipped to make war on the finny tribe; the blubber also forming a very enticing bait, we had soon a plentiful supply; and fish, flesh, and fowl frequently smoked on our board at one meal—even an epicure could have found but little fault with a dinner, where two of the courses were soup and fish.

I have before mentioned that we had found on the island a plant resembling a cabbage in appearance, but so bitter that we could not make use of it; our companions, on the other island, either using more sagacity, or more patience, had found in it a very useful vegetable; for by boiling it for three or four hours, it became quite sweet,—so now it was proved that Hooper's report as to its being good for food was correct,—it was the mode of cooking only that he had forgotten, (see page 79) By this information another addition was made to our bill of fare—and one too which, to us, so long deprived of vegetable diet, was indeed a rich delicacy, and made in our soup a considerable improvement.

The chance of any vessel coming to our rescue becoming apparently every clay less and less, after the whole of vis had been together about a month, it was proposed that we should attempt to construct a vessel, in the hope of being able to effect our deliverance.

Previous to this, and before we all again met, the chance of our ever being released from our seagirt prison seemed so remote and impossible, that we had seriously resolved on the steps that should be pursued as we individually departed this life. Our burial place had been chosen, and as decent a funeral for each as our means afforded, was promised by the survivors; though a general wish was expressed by each, that he might not be the last who would have to perform this melancholy duty.* The junction of our parties, however, gave a renewed spring to our energies, and after calculating the materials we possessed, we considered that our intended vessel might be made about twenty-nine feet long, and about twelve tons burthen, and we determined that she should be lugger-rigged. The plans and specifications, after being duly weighed and considered, were agreed on unanimously; and we immediately set about the necessary preparations for commencing this arduous undertaking.

I have stated that we had dag up a quantity of timber, old iron, nails, &c., from the remains of a hut erected by some Americans about sixteen years before;† and there were also traces of some huts built by them in the other island; it was, therefore, determined that a party of eleven should go over to the other island, for the purpose of digging up what timber might chance to be trodden into the ground there; and also to collect Seal skins, of which we intended to form our sails, They accordingly went, and in about a month returned, bringing with them the skins they had collected and prepared, the timber they had found, and also a tripot,* they had dug up. Our carpenter now reported that we should have materials enough for the proposed work, and we set about the preliminaries directly.

Out of some iron hoops, wc by much labour and considerable ingenuity, manufactured some saws, an almost indispensible article in ship-building: our carpenter also contrived several other tools, though none of them calculated to forward our work with much speed, as they were none of the best, being principally manufactured out of the old iron bolts, procured as I have before stated from the wreck of our vessel, beat out with our solitary hammer, on a stone anvil, after being duly heated.

We soon found from the supply of provisions we could obtain, that it was necessary we should divide, and five of us, including myself, Captain Veale, his brother Jarvis Yeale, John Soper, and Dominick Spesinick, proceeded to the other island to seek a livelihood there. We were provided with a share of the necessaries, among which was the piece of the broken pitch pot, which had served for a frying pan, &c. We also took with us the Bible which had belonged to one of the crew, leaving the other with our companions.

Six of our companions accompanied us in the boat to the other island, and remained with us while we constructed ourselves a dwelling, and this was effected as much as possible without the use of wood, and then haying collected all the spare timber, they left us to return to the building of the vessel.

When these six had returned to the other four the teu who were at work in the vessel proceeded to construct another house of stones and turf only, as the wood used in the first was required for the ship-building; and this dwelling, when it was finished, had at least the appearance of more comfort, for they formed three chimneys in it, but from some misconstruction they would not draw, it is not unlikely that it was two too manyand that if they had been contented with one chimney, it would have effected what was intended; as it was, a hole for the escape of the smoke was obliged to be made in the gable end; and they were soured enough with a smoky house, though far removed from scolding wives. After the new habitation was completed, the old one was pulled down, the place were it stood cleared, as the most convenient spot for building the vessel, and here the keel (formed of the top-mast we had saved from the wreck) was laid down.

It had been agreed, that when completed, five of our party, to be chosen by lot, should proceed to sea in her, in the hope either of meeting with some vessel, or of reaching some habitable part of the globe; and thereby be the means of rescuing the remainder. When it is considered that these islands are situated in the midst of the Southern Ocean, that we had neither compass, quadrant, or chart, it must certainly appear a forlorn hope; however, we determined to make the attempt, trusting to that Power which hitherto had so kindly watched over us, and who alone could be our guide on such a desperate voyage.

The tripot which we found was now put in requisition for the manufacture of salt, upon a larger scale than we had before the means of using, which was effected as I stated before, by filling it with salt water, and boiling it till the water was evaporated, when the salt remained at the bottom. This salt was required for curing the bull Elephant's tongues, which were intended to serve as a sea stock of provisions for the party who should sail in the vessel, when completed.

Being now settled in our new colony, at least for a time, and being somewhat more expert than at first in catering, we agreed to take it by turns to search for food, always keeping the Sabbath as a day of rest, and devoted to reading the Scriptures and other religious exercises. These latter consisted of conversations on different parts of scripture; for either from diffidence, or a lack of words to express our feelings, we had no set prayers, nor did any one more than another set himself up as a teacher. The thoughts of our hearts and our inward communings were our only addresses to our Maker.*

Shortly after I had been on this island, the remnants of my suit of clothes, manufactured from my great coat, became totally unfit for use, notwithstanding all my care and patchwork; so I was obliged to set to to make some garments, from the skins of pup Elephants and Seals, and although my tailoring might not have satisfied a lounger of Bond-street, it was at least a novel costume; and I can assure my readers that it needed some contrivance. Our mode of sewing I have before alluded to, and it was rather a tedious process. Stay-tape and buckram we dispensed with, and our stitching was not perhaps the most exquisite. For buttons, we used pieces of wood, of about an inch long, tapered at each end, with a notch cut round the middle to hold the fastening; and in this way we prepared our wardrobes. My greatest difficulty was in providing for linen; I however attempted to act the sempstress, and made myself a shirt from the skins of young Seals; but the laborious exercise we underwent in travelling for food, causing profuse perspiration, and the skins not having undergone any preparation, they soon became rotten, so I did not resume my plain work, but contented myself without any substitute for linen, and had none from that time till the period of our final deliverance.

As one of our boats was ripped up to line the vessel, we had none where I was now located on the island, so we had no opportunity of visiting our companions during the progress of their labour, and they were too much engaged in their several occupations to be enabled to spend any time in visits of etiquette; we held no communication with them, therefore, during the period their work was in progress; and the time consequently hung very heavy on us, at least those hours not devoted to the supply of our natural wants; and had we not that most cheering of all resources, the Scriptures, despair would in all probability have taken possession of our minds, harassed as we were by delayed hopes, numerous fears, and idle conjectures; and much did we envy those who were engaged in the building of the vessel.

To enumerate the various shifts to which they were put, and the contrivances they resorted to in the course of their ship-building, would, I fear, too much lengthen my pages; but when the paucity of their tools is considered, the ill assorted nature of their materials conjectured, and the unskilfulness of most of the labourers taken into.account, it will not be wondered at, even with every incentive that the hope of deliverance presented, that it was not until the following January, 1823, that the vessel was in a fit state for launching. The building of her commenced early in the year 1822, so that she was more than nine months in constructing, but which with proper tools and materials might have been effected by one ship carpenter in two months.

During this period, also, it will be remembered they had to manufacture the salt, and to cure the necessary provisions for the proposed voyage. Numerous also were the impediments our companions experienced, sometimes from wet weather, at others from the breaking of a tool, or the want of some almost indispensible article which we had not at first calculated on, but which as they proceeded, became obvious. Their ingenuity was constantly on the rack to supply those deficiencies; but time and perseverance surmounted every obstacle. The want of pitch and oakum was much felt; for the former they had no substitute, for the latter they used Seal fur, mixed with Albatross down. The rigging was made from the ropes taken on shore by the sealing party, and which are used by persons in such employ, to raft off the Seal-skins procured to the boat, as the surf on the beaches prevents their landing to load, either with safety or convenience.

By the beginning of January the vessel was completed by our ten companions who remained at the other island; and they had equipped her with sails of Seal-skin, and other necessaries; they had also formed vessels for taking a stock of fresh water, from the skins of pup Elephants; and water, salt tongues, and Pengiun eggs, were the only provisions that could be provided. A party of seven then came over to us, in order that we might return with them to assist in launching her, and to cast lots which five should venture on this ahnost hopeless voyage.

Two years had now nearly rolled over our heads, since we were wrecked; and this period, marked as it was by privations and anxieties, appeared three times as protracted as any other period of my life.

When the party landed we were from home, and dispersed in different directions seeking for provender, and they had to search for us. This occupied so much time that before we were all collected it was too late to make the return voyage that day. The next day a violent gale of wind sprung up, and our boat being hauled up in an exposed situation, the wind took her, and carried her to a distance of seventy yards, and so damaged her that she was rendered unseaworthy, her stern being completely beat in. Although the boats used in those voyages are not heavy, yet this will give some idea of the force of the winds on those islands, and of the nature of the storms we frequently had to encounter, and that too, in many instances, when we were some miles from our domicile.

This accident threw a great damp on our spirits, as we were very destitute of materials wherewith to repair the damage, and should we be enabled to succeed in doing so, it would require many days to complete it. The ways of Providence, however are wonderful, and past finding out, for when the greatest disasters befal us, then it is that the hand of the Almighty is stretched out to help and save us; and in the strength and wisdom of the Lord we are shown our own weakness and ignorance. Without tools, and with but very indifferent means, we toiled many days to render our boat sea-worthy, and about the 21st of the month had so far effected our purpose, that we determined to return on the following day. About noon, however, while most of us were busily employed in preparing for our meal, in scalding the skin of a bull elephant, with some flippers, &c., Dominick Spesinick, who was an elderly man, left us to take a walk; he proceeded to a high point of land, about three parts of a mile distant from our hut, the moment he reached it, he saw a vessel passing round the next point. He immediately came running towards us apparently in great agitation, and when he approached, for some time he could do nothing but gesticulate, excess of joy having completely deprived him of the power of utterance. Capt. Veale, who was with us, not comprehending his meaning, asked what the foolish fellow was at? He having by this time a little recovered himself, told us that he had certainly seen a vessel pass round a point of the island, and named the direction she was steering. We had so often been deceived by the appearance of large birds sitting on the water, which we had mistaken for vessels at a distance, that we were slow to believe his story; he however affirmed it with so much earnestness, that in accordance with his suggestion, it was agreed that one of the party, John Soper, should go with him, taking a direction across ths island, so that they might, if possible intercept the vessel, if there really was one steering in the direction be had stated; and being supplied with a tinder-box, in order to make a fire, to attract the notice of the crew, should they gain sight of her, off they started.

The hours passed very slowly away during their absence, and when night approached and they had not returned, a thousand conjectures were started to account for their stay. Some suggested that, having seen the vessel, they had got on board, and had left those remaining to their fate; others more charitably concluded, that being worn out in pursuing what was doubtless only a phantom of the old man's brain, had been unable to return from fatigue, but that morning would bring them back with bitter disappointment. Morning at length came, after a tedious night—not one of us had enjoyed what might be called repose—some had not closed their eyes, whilst the others who had caught a few minutes sleep, had been disturbed by frightful dreams, and awakened only to hear the sighings of disappointed hopes, and dire forebodings, that we were doomed to drag out our existence without the least chance of deliverance.

To return to our two companions who had gone in searcli of the vessel, they had indeed been fortunate enough to reach that part of the island in which she was still in sight; and by finding the remains of a Sea Elephant that had been recently killed, they ascertained that the crew had been on shore, and they hastened to kindle a fire; but finding they could not attract the attention of those in the vessel from the beach, they proceeded with all haste to ascend a hill in the direction she was still steering. Spesinick however became exhausted, partly by fatigue, and partly by his overexcited feelings, and was unable to go any further. Soper went on, but seeing the vessel proceeding, he sunk on the ground in despair. He however again" rose, but had to descend into a valley before he could gain another elevated spot to make a signal from. Spesinick, returning to the beach where they had kindled the fire, to his great joy he saw a boat from the vessel coming on shore. The crew had reached the beach before Spesinick got to it, but his voice had been drowned by the noise of a rookery of Macarooneys he had disturbed on the hill. Seeing the fire, the smoke of which had first attracted their attention, they of course were convinced that there were human beings on the island, and had commenced a search; in the interim Spesinick had made for the boat, which they had hauled up out of the surf, and having reachcd it he clung to it in a fit of desperate joy, that gave him the appearance of a savage maniac; and the crew on returning after what had appeared to them a vain search, found him in such questionable guise, that they hailed him lustily before they approached. Dressed in shaggy fur skins, with cap of the same material, and beard of nearly two year's growth, it was not probable they should take him for a civilized being. They soon however became better acquainted, and he gave them an outline of the shipwreck, the number of men on the island, and that his companion Soper was not far off

The vessel proved to be an American schooner, called the Philo, Isaac Perceval, master, on a sealing and trading voyage.

Soper being still unaware of the boat having gone on shore, as it must have done so while he was crossing the valley, on coming to a place where, on a foraging excursion, we had erected a shelter at the opening of a cave, he set the place on fire, and the boat which had returned with Spesinick put off and took him on board also, much to his joy and gratification. By this time it was near dark, and too late to send or make any communication to us that evening, but on the following morning, January 22, the captain of the schooner sent his boat to fetch off the remaining ten. It being however eight miles from our residence, where our companions got on board, it took some time for the boat to reach the place, it was therefore past ten o'clock in the forenoon before she came in sight of us.

We had by this time almost given up all hopes of our expected deliverance, and had gone to a neighbouring King Penguin rookery, to gather all the eggs we could collect, to take over to the other island, as part of a sea: stock for those on whom the lot should fall to attempt our rescue in our new-built vessel, as there were no King Penguin rookeries on the other island.

Shortly after ten, a shout from one of our companions (Millechant) aroused our attention, and we soon perceived the American schooner's boat coming round the point. Down went the eggs, some capered, some ran, some shouted, and all in one way or other expressed an extravagance of joy, and three loud cheers from us were quickly answered by those in the boat.

Scarcely a month during the year was it sufficiently smooth for a boat to land on the beach adjoining the rookery where we were collecting eggs, but at this time it was perfectly calm; and on the boat nearing the land, we all rushed into the water up to our middle, and taking hold of her on each side, run her up the sand, high and dry, crew and all.

Here I cannot help breaking off in my narrative to remark on the providential nature of our succour. The damage done to our boat, had, as I have before remarked, caused us much distress, but now how different were our views of the accident; that which we had deemed the greatest evil that could have befallen us, had proved the very means of our rescue from these desolate islands; and that which we had looked upon as almost a death blow to our hopes, had proved through Divine Providence, the greatest blessing; for had our boat not been damaged, our return to the other island would have followed as a matter of course; and in all probability we should never have seen the vessel that now proved the means of our deliverance, and we might have continued to linger on an existence, lost to our native land, and mourned as dead by our relatives and friends. How vain then, and even sinful, are too frequently our murmurings at the Divine will! How shortsighted and ignorant are our complaints when our weak purposings are frustrated. Where then is our boasted wisdom? where the exercise of those reasoning powers with which we are endowed! " The ox knoweth his owner, and the ass his master's crib," but we, in the plentitude of our selfknowledge, and in the pride of our own sagacity, fail to distinguish the hand of our all powerful, all wise, and all merciful Lord; forgetting that we are his creatures, and under his protecting care, and that all things work together for good, to those who believe in Him.

To resume my story. In the schooner's boat, besides our two companions, were the first officer or chief mate, Mr. Hopkins, of Boston, and five of the crew of the schooner; and this officer, on learning from us that it was the wish of all to leave the island, requested us to get together whatever things we wished to take with us; and which having done, he took us all in the boat, and returned with us to the vessel.*

When on board the Captain treated us very kindly, and gave us some refreshment, and this was the first time we had tasted bread for near two years. Being so long unused to such food, and partly perhaps from the effect of some spirits† he also gave us, it made me so extremely ill, that I began to fear I had only escaped from desolation to meet death; however, I soon recovered, and on the following day, being the 23rd, the Captain steered for the other island, but as we neared it at a distance from the cove where our three companions where remaining, they did not see her approach, and on our coming in sight of them in the schooner's boat, they considered it was our boat returned with all hands to assist in the launch of the vessel, and this caused them considerable joy, for the long period the boat had been away had created many conjectures, not knowing how to account for its protracted stay; their joy, however, was much more increased, when they perceived that she was a stranger; and it arose to its full height, when they learnt that the Captain of the American had consented to take us all on board his ship. They soon collected together what seal skins we had saved, and all the other materials we deemed necessary to take with us, and we all fifteen again met together on board the vessel, in good health and I need scarcely add, in good spirits. Indeed our health had been generally good throughout the time we had been on the islands, except occasionally, when from the oily nature of our food, our bowels became affected, and then a dose of salt water pretty generally set us to rights again. On one occasion, however, Jarvis Veale was attacked with a cutaneous complaint, of a very peculiar nature. Red Pimples first appeared on his skin, in small patches, and afterwards spread all over his body, causing him most excruciating pain. These pimples subsequently turned purple, afterwards lost their colour, and went off in a dry scurf. An application to the contents of our usual medicine chest (i. e. salt water) was his resource, and by drinking a considerable quantity every other morning for about ten days, he quite recovered. I was next attacked with a similar complaint, and it was feared that it was contagious, and would spread through all hands. I resorted to the same remedy as Yeale, and with similar success, and whether it was really contagious or not I will leave to be disputed by the doctors, and if they disagree, why let them, I will not pretend to decide the controversy. I had made Veale's complainings a source of amusement before I was myself attacked; but he had his laugh in turn, for a more painful visitation I never experienced; indeed the pain caused by the eruption was almost unbearable, though apparently it was little more than a trifling rash.

I did not go on shore to see the vessel our companions had built, so can only speak of her from the description given me by those who had been engaged on the work, and who reported her as being a very tidy craft, taking into account the limited means they could command for her building and fitting; and it was with some regret that they left her on the stocks. Should it, however, happen, that any other unfortunate crew like ourselves, should be thrown on this desolate spot, it will, while in existence, serve as a memento of our industry and perseverance, and perhaps inspire them with a similar spirit.

On the day following that on which we embarked on board the vessel, Capt. Perceval made up his mind to visit the islands of Amsterdam and St. Paul, in the Indian Ocean, and which are about 1100 miles to the north east of the Crozets.

The day of departure now arrived, and after remaining on those islands one year, ten months, and five days, we bade them adieu,—shall I say with great joy? certainly; and yet I felt a mixture of regret. Whether it arose from the perverseness of my nature, or from any other cause, I must leave to those more capable of tracing the workings of human feelings, I can only say so it was. We all however felt the pleasure of hope, and already, in anticipation, we were enjoying a meeting with our friends and relatives, though to some of us those hopes were never realized, and to others, among them myself, many years elapsed before we again visited the land of our fathers, or the place of our birth.

The intention of the American captain, in going to the Islands I have named, was to procure Sealskins and fish, the latter being extremely plenty around their shores, and the Seals were also supposed to be numerous. He solicited us to assist him in sealing and fishing, and then promised that he would take us to the Isle of France, to which we readily agreed.

We arrived off these islands on the 3rd of February, and in the usual manner commenced the business of sealing and fishing, and our endeavours here for the American Captain were much more successful than our labours on the Grozets, the Seals being much more plentiful, though not equal in quality, the fur not being near so thick. The coast abounding with fish, and finding it was likely to repay him for his trouble and delay, he continued at St. Paul's and at Amsterdam until the 1st of April, which was a month longer than the time he had named as his intended stay; we however continued to labour for him very assiduously, and in this period had collected about 5000 Sealskins, and 300 quintals of fish. It was while at this island, on the 14th of February, that I, with the others, first got disencumbered of our beards, the weather being now warmer, but we still felt the cold considerably in consequence of our loss.

In the latter end of March, Soper and Newbee expressed a desire to remain on one of the islands, Amsterdam, to seal and fish for themselves, and to take the chance of any other vessel that might touch there, those islands being situated in the direct track of all ships going from the Cape of Good Hope to New South Wales, or Van Dieman's Land. To this the Captain agreed, with the proviso that they would sign a document, stating that it was by their own desire they were so left, and they were in consequence left on the island of Amsterdam, in which there is a bar harbour and convenient landing.

This island contains an immense crater of a volcano, and in the neighbourhood of this crater there were several fresh water mineral springs continually boiling, in which any food requiring to be dressed might be cooked with very little trouble, and without the use of a kettle. This was convenient, as there were no Sea Elephants on these islands, and consequently no stock of blubber for firing, and there being no wood on Amsterdam island, their fuel consisted only of turf. The soil in this island was good, and there were also wild hogs on it in great plenty.

The Captain of the schooner having taken on board a supply of water at Amsterdam, for his voyage to the Isle of France, set sail on the 25th of March, for the Island of St. Paul, where we arrived on the following day, and the vessel remained off this island till the 1st of April, taking on hoard a quantity of wood, with some hogs, for a sea stock. On this day a very serious quarrel took place between our mate, Mazora, and the captain of the schooner, in consequence of the former having complained to one of the crew, of the American Captain's conduct, in not providing us with any clothing, notwithstanding we had laboured so assiduously for him, adding a threat that he would report him to the authorities at the Isle of France on our arrival. This being stated to the Captain of the schooner, he declared that Mazora should not remain in his vessel, and ordered him to be put on shore on the Island of St. Paul. This caused a great sensation in the ship, and words arose so high, that I almost feared a mutiny by our hands would have been the consequence, and as we were the strongest party, although rather less in number, the result to the American's crew might have proved serious, and it might also have placed us ultimately in an awkward predicament; it ended however in nine of us declaring, that if the Captain of the schooner would not alter his determination, we would accompany Mazora on shore, and remain with him on the island; for, having suffered so long together, we were resolved not to leave him to pine in solitude, or perhaps to perish without a companion or a friend. These islands too as I have before stated, being in the direct course of numerous vessels, there was little doubt of our being taken off by some other ship, at no very distant period, and having experienced the hardship of a desolate island when we had many to share our trials, we were determined a single individual should not be left to pine alone, although the period might be ever so short; I may add, that Mazora, being the individual whose conduct had undergone so great a change, after he was brought to a belief in the truth of the scriptures, we perhaps looked on him with even more affection, as being now our brother in Christianity as well as in suffering.

The Captain kept liis word, and we kept ours, and ten of us went on shore again to cope with the difficulties and privations which such a situation presented, and three only remained in the schooner. These three were Capt. Veale, his brother, Jarvis Veale, and Petherbridge. The American captain gave us a cask of bread and some other necessaries.

The resolution we had taken may appear surprising to my readers, but it will be recollected that a little delay was the only privation we were likely to feel, as we had not procured any great addition to our comforts. We had not received even a supply of clothes, had laboured unceasingly since we had reached those islands, and our only reward appeared to be a passage to a land of strangers, where, when arrived, we should be in complete destitution. On the other hand, the Seals being, according to anticipation, rather plentiful here, by remaining for some time it was probable we should procure a quantity of skins sufficient to pay for a passage to New South Wales or to the Cape of Good Hope, and most likely sufficient also to provide us with necessaries when we arrived at either of these places. The American vessel having left, we soon settled down into a regular course of action, and commenced our seal catching.

We found a house built to our hands, by persons who had before been on this island killing Seals, and it was in tolerable condition—though not perhaps what would be called in tenantable repair by a lessee in England; but as we had not to pay either rent or taxes, we did not consider it requisite to find much fault. As we did not anticipate remaining any time, we were less careful as to our domestic comforts than we were at the Crozets, the weather too being so much finer, we had less need of warmth and shelter. On this island there was an abundance of wood, although on the island of Amsterdam there was not a tree, so that we stood in no want of fuel. The wild hogs were numerous, and these, with the chance of fish and birds, bid fair to keep us from want. The climate too was far more favourable than at the Crozets, there being little or no winter at St. Paul's and Amsterdam.

The number of seals we found by no means answered our expectations, still we caught a good number; but having no salt—at least no quantity —we dried the skins by stretching them out with wooden pegs on the grass. We were subjected to a very great annoyance from innumerable quantitles of mice; and not the least was their attacks on our seal skins, which they would eat into holes, and they were thereby rendered much less valuable as a marketable commodity. I began to think we were in the country where Whittington sent his cat, and was about to count the chance of profit that might arise from a cargo of the feline race being sent here, but I soon found that there were no princely inhabitants to reward such a venture.

The mornings during the lime we were on this island were cold, and the mice would then be laying in heaps in a dormant state, apparently dead, but as soon as the rays of the sun reached them, they would as it were swarm into life; and although we endeavoured to shrink them, by destroying immense quantities, yet we could observe no apparent diminution of their number. These animals rendered our stay here by no means comfortable, and we began to think we had made "April fools" of ourselves, by determining, on "All Fools' Day," to remain. We could neither keep our clothes, our provisions, or our seal skins out of their reach, and we were even afraid of being attacked ourselves in our sleep, for the warmth and shelter afforded by our habitation was a great inducement for them to visit us, particularly at night.

One very disagreeable annoyance we experienced from these petit intruders was, that we frequently found them in our food; for as our house was a circular building, thatched with the long grass, with a hole in the middle for a chimney, while running about the thatch they would occasionally fall into our cookery, and by no means improved our soup. On one occasion, in taking my supper in the dusk of the evening, I had the gratification of mistaking one of them for a small bird, and had bit it in two before I discovered my error. There were birds on this island much resembling the English barn door fowls, but we found them extremely shy, and having no arms or ammunition, we could only catch one now and then by stratagem; but it was very cheering to us to hear the cocks crow in the morning, as it associated in our minds the idea of our native land. There were King Penguin Rookeries on this island also, but it was not the season for procuring eggs. We had also Mollymocks, Peeos, Night Hawks, &c.

We caught five Hogs, and kept them alive in a cave* adjoining our dwelling, feeding them on the mice we were able to heap together and kill while they lay dormant; and those Hogs we kept as a sort or reserve stock, either for our own use, or to take with us in case of meeting a vessel to give us a passage.

We were obliged to use some address to take those Hogs. We had first to kill a Seal, and having skinned it, leave the body in their track; several of them would soon get round it, and eagerly commence eating the carcase, and while thus employed, one of us would approach qiuetly behind them, and having seized one by the leg, hold it on till our companions in waiting came up, and either secured or dispatched it.

There were immense numbers of Craw-fish around this island, and by tying a piece of pork to a line and throwing it into the sea, we could catch any quantity we desired, as they would attach themselves to it in numbers, and we had only to pull them up. We did not often make use of them, as the American captain had provided us with a fishing line and hooks, and this gave us an opportunity of always procuring a supply of preferable fish.

We discovered on the island two goats, male and female, with two kids; and those we considered had been left on the island by the previous occupants of our house.

Our bread lasted us only till the 12th of May, and we were then obliged again to live solely on animal food and fish, with the exception of turnip tops, which we procured from a small plot of turnips, the seed for which must have been sown by some previous occupants. The turnips however were too small for use, but the tops we boiled up in our soup.

We saw several vessels pass the island, and made signals to them, but they either did not see them, or the wind was too boisterous for them to land; the hope of deliverance thus frequently raised, caused us to feel much more anxious for the means of leaving this island than we had felt at the Crozets.

I ought to mention that here also we continued our bible reading, and other religious exercises, (having with us the Bible presented by Captain Cox) and that it was a harbinger of peace to us! the other Bible we left with our two companions on the island of Amsterdam, and doubtless with equal temporal benefit, during their short existence, and we may hope to their eternal happiness, for their lives were cruelly sacrificed as will hereafter be stated.

On the 3rd of June, at day break, as seven of us were laying in our hut, (three of our number being out on a sealing party for a few days) and were expressing our wish to remove from the island, being heartily tired of our semi-savage life, John Piller, who lay opposite the door, and facing it, started up saying he perceived a vessel in the offing, upon which we all immediately arose and ran out, and indeed saw a vessel, but she was at a considerable distance from us; we however kindled a large fire, and at length, to our joy, perceived that she was nearing the land. As the wind was blowing fresh, and rather off the land, she could not approach that day; but on the following morning, it proving very fine, she approached the rocks as near as possible, but had no boat to send ashore to us. They were however near enough for us to hail them, and we learnt that she was from the Cape of Good Hope, and bound to Van Dieman's Land. We now set to to construct a raft of spars, and in a short time, (our will going hand in hand with our work) we made one sufficiently strong for two of us to go off on. This work occupied so much of the day, that we could not take any further measures that night; but on the following morning, the master of the sloop, for such she proved to be, came on shore, and then we learnt that she was a tender to the King George whaler, which latter vessel was commanded by Mr. Charles Bryant, and that she had parted from the King George, on her passage from the Cape of Good Hope, but first from England. The sloop was commanded by Mr. Anderson, who was first officer of the King George, and was only 28 tons burthen. He informed us that it had been previously agreed, that should they lose sight of each other, they were to steer for the islands of Amsterdam and St. Paid, and there again meet; that in acquiescence to this agreement, they had been to Amsterdam, but not finding the King George there, had come over to St. Paul's, but without finding her.

While at Amsterdam, three days previous, i. e. June the 1st, they had had communication with our two companions, Soper and Newbee, they having come off to the sloop, in a kind of boat they had formed by nailing a few boards together, and Soper having expressed a strong desire to leave the island, being in anticipation of some property left him by his grandmother, at Dartmouth,* the commander of the sloop had agreed to take him. As they had however procured a number of skins and had 10 pigs in a stye, Newbee would persist in remaining, and Soper, notwithstanding his hopes, would not let him remain alone. This resolve proved fatal for both, for they had not proceeded very far towards the shore, when in crossing the bar, their frail boat was swamped, andthey werebothleft to the mercy of the waves. There was at this time another vessel lying within hail, and Mr. Anderson repeatedly called to them to send their boat to the rescue of the two poor fellows, who were for some time struggling for life, and imploring assistance. To the eternal disgrace however of the commander, he replied that his boats had cost him too much to risk them, and with an oath declared that they should nor stir an inch, although at the same time they were fishing near, and our two unfortunate companions soon sank to rise no more.

Soper had been extremely wild in his youth; and he often expressed great contrition for his numerous follies and crimes; but that which seemed to press more heavily on his remembrance was his having, when only 16, purloined £90. from his grandmother, which he had squandered in all kinds of debauchery; he frequently alluded to it, and at all times with seemingly great remorse, indeed I believe he was truly repentant; among all his follies, it was this that preyed most deeply on his conscience; as to honour parents is the only commandment with promise, so the departing from this commandment seems to be that which brings a punishment in this life more certainly than any other sin.

In accordance to my resolve, when I commenced these pages, I forbear to give the name of this inhuman monster, for little less could he be, wh» would coolly witness the death struggles of two fellow creatures, and refuse them that assistance which was at his immediate command; yet such was the account given us by Mr. Anderson; and the benevolence and kindness we afterwards experienced from him, is a full voucher for the truth of the information.*

Arthur Casely, now of Brixham, belonging to one of the fishing craft, was on board the Success, and witnessed this brutal conduct, with whom I have conversed on the subject since my return.

Mr. Anderson, from the state of his provisions, could not take more than three of us, and he proposed that we should cast lots for the chance, and this was done by the seven who were present, the others not having returned. Seven pieces of paper, cut all of one size, with the letter P on three of them, were put into a bag and shook up. The prizes were drawn by myself, Baker, and Piller; the two latter however, fearing to embark in so small a vessel for so long a voyage, gave up their chances to William Hooper and John Walters, and we immediately prepared to go on board, taking with us our share of the Seal-skins collected, three out of the five pigs, what water Mr. Anderson could stow, and as much fire wood as he thought necessary. We then bade our companions farewell, and set sail. This was on the evening of the 5th of J une.f

The crew of the sloop consisted of the commander Mr. Anderson, and seven men, and with ns three made eleven. Mr. Anderson therefore put himself to great inconvenience even to take three, more particularly as our voyage turned out extremely boisterous, and also as it took us thirty-six days before we reached the river Derwent.

Ten days before our arrival in the river, our fuel was entirely spent, and during the remainder of the time, what animal food we made use of we were obliged to eat raw, and our provisions and water also became very short, so that we were all obliged to be put on short allowance, a 4lb. piece of pork being divided amongst the eleven daily; and three days before our arrival we had only a small quantity of bread-dust remaining, which was also allowanced out amongst us very sparingly; added to this the scurvy broke out amongst us; I was myself so ill in it, that although I was pressed with hunger to a great degree, I could not venture to eat the raw salt pork.

To our great joy, on the 7th of July, we made the western coast of Van Dieman's Land, and on the following night we saw the fires of the natives, hut we were afraid to Land, and it was not until Friday, the 11th at day-light in the morning, that we entered the Derwent, and were boarded by Mr. James Kelly, the Pilot, who soon brought us to an anchor in SuUvan's Cove, Hobart Town. We were then boarded by Dr. E. F. Bromley, port officer.

It was a matter of great astonishment to the inhabitants of Hobart Town, how, in such a small craft, and with such a protracted and boisterous voyage, we ever arrived safe, so small a vessel never before having been known to make such a trip; but the never-failing hand of the Almighty was over us, and nothing is impossible with him.

On going ashore at Hobart Town, Dr. E. F. Bromley took us to his house, and treated us with great humanity, paying us every attention our weakness from the scurvy required, and in all other respects acting the Good Samaritan, allowing us to lodge in the apartments with his boats crew. Up to our arrival we had nothing to cover us but our Seal-skin clothes, and our appearance attracted considerable curiosity. A number of persons came down to look at us; among others Mr. James Woodhouse, of Pilton, Barnstaple, Devon, who was then at Hobart Town.*

Our first introduction to Dr. Bromley was in consequence of his having in his employ a man named Richard Sands, who had been sentenced to 14 years' transportation for an attack on some revenue officers, on the coast of Cornwall, about the year 1819, and who recognised Hooper as an old shipmate on board the Albion, 74, during the late American war, in 1814.

I was somewhat startled, in the morning after my first night's lodging on shore, to see at the head of my sleeping place, the grim skeleton head of a New Zealander, preserved in the New Zealand fashion. These heads were then obtained from the natives, in exchange for powder, &c. and are kept as articles of curiosity, to fill a niche in a museum, as our English collectors are in the habit of doing with Egyptian mummies.

The King George whaler, to which the sloop Success was a tender, did not arrive till ten days after us, and Captain Bryant was much astonished at finding the sloop there before him. He also had had a very boisterous passage, had shipped many heavy seas, and his vessel was in a very leaky condition when she reached Hobart Town; whilst the sloop had floated over the seas like a cork, and kept perfectly dry.

Mr. Anderson being the only person of the crew who knew navigation, I assisted him in keeping the sloop's reckoning, for which service, though doubly paid by his kindness, he expressed his warm ackowledgments.

Our Seal-skins were purchased of us, or rather disposed of, by a person to whom we were introduced, and who considered us well paid, at about half the money he made of them, pocketing about £30 by the transaction. But here again I shall throw a veil over the page—for where I cannot praise I forbear to censure.

The day after our arrival in Hobart Town, a most extraordinary circumstance occurred, and which would almost supply an incident for a romance: the Elizabeth, Capt. U. DaCre, arrived from England, and on board of her Mr. Brooks,* one of the owners of the Princess of Wales, the vessel in which we sailed from England, and in which we were cast away; Dr. Bromley with his usual hospitality, had invited the captain and Mr. Brooks to dine with him, and in the course of the evening's conversation, Mr. Brooks mentioned, that he had, above two years before, given up a vessel as lost in the South Seas, which had sailed from the Thames in May, 1820. The coincidence immediately struck Dr. Bromley, and he said that he really believed he had, at that time, some of the crew ot the identical vessel under his roof.

We were retired to rest, but on the following morning, Mr. Brooks again called, and soon convinced himself that Dr. Bromley's conjecture was correct. Mr. B. was not more astonished than pleased, at thus meeting so unexpectedly those whom he had so long considered lost, more particularly as it afforded him an opportunity of proving the loss of the vessel, and thereby recovering the insurance.

We gave him a full and correct narrative of all that had befallen us, and on the Monday following, that day being Saturday, we accompanied him to the office of A. W. H. Humphrey, Esq., who was then the chief Police Magistrate, and swore to the protest of the loss of the Princess of Wales.

Dr. Bromley set on foot a subscription for us, heading it with his own name for one pound, to which Mr. Brooks* added two more, and Captain Dacre thirty shillings; but only two pounds besides these sums were raised for us.

This want of charity in the gentlemen of Hobart Town, I should have passed over, but the contrast afforded by those I have named, in justice demanded its notice; it is also just that I should add, from my subsequent knowledge, that a very great improvement in this respect has taken place since that period; and also in justice I must further add, that that improvement owes its advance, in a great measure, to a gentleman whose name will ever stand high in that colony, as the promoter of every benevolent and praiseworthy institution, I mean his excellency Colonel George Arthur;* and I feel proud at being thus able to bear my humble testimony to his universally acknowledged worth.

Captain Dacre very kindly offered us all berths on board his ship, but only John Walters went with him, having a wife in London, and feeling therefore anxious to return.

I afterwards met poor Walters in Van Dieman's Land, on his return thither, as boatswain on board the Elizabeth, Captain Collins, and learnt from him, that on his arrival in London, and going to see his wife, he found her married to another, so he gave up his prior claim, and again set sail, considering the ocean, after all the tricks it had played him, a less fickle mistress, than, to say the least, his somewhat impatient rib. In justice however to Mrs.Walters, (for I am sure it would be most ungallant for me to throw a shadow of undeserved blame on the fair sex, when I have avoided casting just censure on the lords of the creation,) I must state, that she did not take this step without advising with the owners of, and others connected with, the Princess of Wales, nor until she considered herself fully assured of the vessel and all her crew being lost. Walters, and Spesinick, the Italian who had married at Rotherhithe, were the only married men who went out in our unfortunate vessel.

Myself and Hooper remained at Dr. Bromley's till the latter end of August, when Hooper shipped himself as second officer on board the brig Thalia, Capt. Hazard, on a whaling voyage; and both Hooper and Capt. Hazard wished much for me also to join the ship, but I preferred remaining in Van Dieman's Land.

It was now necessary that I should resolve on some employ, and about the middle of September, being perfectly recovered from the attack of scurvy,* I hired a boat from Mr. W. A. Bethune, of about four tons burthen, and commenced trading in fire wood, which I used to fetch from a distance up the river, and dispose of at Hobart Town. I gave one pound a week for the loan of this boat, but finding my profits not sufficient to cover my expenses, and afford me a decent living I gave her up, and hired myself to ply in a boat, belonging to a man named Patterson, who was employed principally in conveying wheat and other produce of the settlers in the interior to Hobart Town.

Being now somewhat settled, I wrote a concise account of my shipwreck, &c. to my friends, which I dispatched by the first ship, which sailed in the October following.

While in this man's employ, and landing a hogshead of earthenware at Herdsman's cove, and the two men who were assisting me being intoxicated, I being in the boat below, they let the hogshead slip, and falling, it struck me a most violent blow in the face, disfiguring me very much, and there being no surgeon nearer than Hobart Town, I could procure no surgical assistance to stop the bleeding, and it was feared that I should have bled to death. This accident confined me many days, but with the help of a good constitution, and tolerably good spirits, I was soon enabled to resume my labour.

The vice of drunkenness was extremely prevalent, more particularly among the convicts, but I am sorry to add, that it greatly pervaded all classes.

About nine miles up the river, are situated Roseneath and Compton Ferries, the former the property of Mr. James Austin, and the latter the property of Mr. John Earle, and as we occasionally stopped at those Ferries to await the turn of the tide, I became acquainted with these gentlemen through a man named Samuel Davis,* a native of Paignton, whom I had accidentally met at Newtown, three miles above Hobart Town, when going there after a spar for the boat I h ad hired of Mr. Bethune. This man had been convicted of robbing the dwelling house of Mr. Tap ley, shopkeeper, at Tor, adjoining Torquay, in the year 1818, and sentenced to death, which sentence I thought had been carried into execution. I did not recognize him, but on his seeing me, he immediately enquired if I was not called Goodridge, and he then made himself known. This man knew something of ship-building, and was employed in that capacity by the parties I have named, and who greatly valued his services, as his conduct there had been very exemplary, for though sentenced to transportation for life, he had obtained a ticket of leave* from the Government in consequence of his good behaviour within three years after his arrival. He built for them the first large boats that had been used at these Ferries. This introduction proved of some service to me, for in the October following, Mr. Earle hired me at fifteen shillings per week, and my board and lodging, to ply in his boats, he having, as I was vain enough to believe, observed in me an attention to business that pleased him.

The large boats used on these Ferries are of a peculiar make, they have flat bottoms and flat decks, somewhat after the manner of. what are in this country termed Floating Bridges, being railed on each side to keep in the cattle. Great numbers of carts, sheep, bullocks, &c., having to cross, and the cattle being very wild, much care and attention is required, on the one hand to prevent the cattle from leaping overboard, and on the other hand to prevent their running all on one side of the boat, and thereby putting it in danger of being capsized. Mr. Earle had a horse boat and a small boat, as also had Mr. Austin, and the large boat, called by us a punt, was considered the joint property of both, though it really belonged to Mr. Earle.

This punt was capable of conveying thirty head of cattle, or two hundred sheep, or two carts and sixteen oxen, across at a time, and during spring tides, or land floods, the current ran so strong, that great labour was required to work those boats, and when the wind was high, without great care the passage was frequently dangerous, the river being here three quarters of a mile across.

It sometimes happened on those occasions, that our punt broke adrift, and we had then much labour and trouble to track it up the river again, being frequently obliged to wade for considerable distances up to our middle in water.

Compton Ferry was on the interior side of the river, and Roseneath on the Hobart Town side, and, as the settlers increased at Hobart Town and neighbourhood, the demand for cattle and other produce of the interior became greater, and in consequence, Mr. Austin determined to build a much larger punt, which he effected at an expense of about £500. Davis was employed on this also, having only a labourer under him, and was paid 5s. per day and his provisions, and it occupied him twelve months. This vessel, for so she might be called, would carry five loaded carts with their teams, or one hundred head of cattle, three hundred sheep, or a proportionable quantity of other produce, and proved very serviceable.

The punts were towed across by the smaller boats, one hand being left on board to keep the cattle in good trim, and prevent accidents.

Both Mr. Austin and Mr. Earle were men of respectability, and each kept a clerk to superintend their different interests. There was also an inn on each side, with good accommodation; that on Mr. Austin's, or the Hobart Town side, however, was the most advantageous, as numerous parties frequently came up on pleasure, from Hobart Town, it laying near the direct road from Hobart Town to New Norfolk; but the Compton or opposite Ferry was the most profitable, from the number of cattle coming down for slaughter.

Great good feeling existed between those gentlemen, each helping the other with the greatest alacrity, and although Mr. Austin had been at so great an outlay, for the large punt, it was always at the service of either side of the river.

I was thus brought in contact with Mr. Austin and Mr. Earle continually, and by care, assiduity, and sobriety, I soon made friends of both, and not only did this add much to my comfort and happiness, but it paved the way to my advancement. Both these gentlemen were from Baltons borough, near Glastonbury, in Somersetshire, and my being also from the West of England, doubtless influenced them in my favour.

In August, 1824, I unfortunately had some disagreement with Mr. Earle, and left him in consequence; and I again went into the service of Patterson. I was partly induced to this step, from his owing me some arrears of wages, which I thus hoped to obtain, but it proved a futile hope.

I had not been with him above a month, when going to Hobart Town, on Thursday, the 30th of September, I was taken into custody as a runaway sailor from the King George whaler, a reward of two pounds each having been offered for the apprehension of several of the crew of that ship, who had deserted from her, while she was laying in the harbour. I thought at first this accusation was occasioned by my reaching Hobart Town in the tender belonging to that vessel, and this no doubt served as a colour to the charge; but I afterwards discovered that it was done at the instigation, and on the information of an Irish Sailor, in order to fill my situation in Patterson's boat.

As I had now been in Yan Dieman's Land only fourteen months, and had been away from Hobart Town during the larger part of that period, I was not at all acquainted with the laws and regulations of the town, and when apprehended I knew not how to act, for my own declarations of innocence availed me nothing, and the magistrates being engaged in licensing boats, I was given in charge to the under turnkey, and shut up in gaol with nineteen other prisoners, comprising some of the worst characters of the place, who had been first transported from England, and were now under confinement for other crimes done in the colony. Many had heavy irons on, and were covered with filth and vermin.

Amid all my trials, none affected me more than this, having ever endeavoured to act so as to obtain a good reputation, and relying on that only as the means of advancing myself in life. Here I was kept for four days, but I avoided, as much as possible, either communication or contact with any of the miserable objects around me, except a Scotch Settler, who was put in for some petty offence, and who showed me some kindness, by lending me a great coat at night.

The torment of mind I suffered in this place was inconceivable, and strongly impressed on me the necessity of that classification of prisoners which has been so wisely introduced in England, and also the summary method of immediately bringing persons before a magistrate, before sending them to gaol.

On the first clay of my confinement, I wrote to Dr. Bromley, but he happened unfortunately to be ill in bed, and I having omitted to state that I was one of those who had been brought to Van Dieman's Land by the tender of the King George whaler, he forgot my name.

Immediately on his being able to come down stairs, however, on the Sunday morning following, he made enquiry among his domestics, if they recollected my name, and on being informed by Sands, his coxswain, that I was one of the unfortunate men who had been so long on the desolate island, and who had been sheltered under his roof, he sent for the under-gaoler to come to him immediately, and ordered him to release me on his, Dr. Bromley's responsibility. This, however, the under-gaoler objected to do, until he went to Mr. Humphrey, who was then the Chief Police Magistrate, and on his order I was liberated, but not until the under-gaoler demanded 3s. 6d. as gaol fees.*

Feeling that this was an imposition, and determined not quietly to put up with such a piece of injustice, I returned to Herdsman's Cove, and having put myself in what sailors would call sailing trim, came back again to Hobart Town.

My first step was to wait on Dr. Bromley,† and thank him for his kind interference, and then having communicated to him the imposition that had been practised on me, he recommended me to state the case to Mr. Gillebrand, then his Majesty's Attorney General at Van Dieman's Land. This gentleman treated me with great politeness, and told me I should first go to Mr. Humphrey, the police magistrate, and ask him if he had any charge against me, and that if he had none, I was to return to him, and he would see justice done me. I accordingly waited on Mr. Humphrey, and on that gentleman's hearing the particulars he told me if I would call the following morning, at eleven, he would enquire into the case, and I waited on him accordingly. At the door I met the under gaoler, who used a great deal of idle talk to induce me to forego my complaint, but I proceeded, had the under gaoler and constable severely reprimanded, and recovered the fees.

It may be supposed, that after such loss of time, I was not a gainer by persisting in the course I did, but yet, knowing that publicity would be caused by it, and that I should thereby be freed from every imputation, I did not grudge my trouble.

I was tokl that I had good grounds of action for false imprisonment, but as then, like most sailors, I had no very high opinion of law, I thought it wise to stay further proceedings, as I had gone quite far enough to secure my reputation, and regain my money, and he who escapes from law with that may think himself very well off. Now I must not be supposed to be casting any reflection on gentlemen of the law, as this would be an ungrateful return for the kindness I experienced from Mr. Gillebrand, and also to those numerous gentlemen in the legal profession who have patronized my work—indeed, from no other profession have I received more support.

On returning to my employ, I found the Irishman who had laid the charge against me, snug in my berth with Mr. Patterson, and on my making the latter acquainted with his conduct, he was politely requested to leave his quarters. I returned to the same employ, and continued in it till the November following, when, finding that my arrears with Patterson were increasing rather than decreasing, I left him and went two voyages* in a small sloop which traded up the Derwent after wheat as far as Pitwater, which is about sixteen miles from Hobart Town by land, but taking the windings of the river, about fifty miles. The sloop was then laid up.

Large quantities of Mullet are caught in this river; and on one occasion, having purchased some from a man who had caught and salted a large number, myself and companion partook of some for supper, and we were shortly afterwards seized with giddiness, accompanied by excruciating pains; many other persons who had partaken of them at Pitwater having been attacked in the same way. The cause, I am unable to state; but it was attributed to their having been left out by moon-light, while drying, after being salted. I am at a loss myself to discover what hand the moon could have had in it; but in hot climates it is very commonly believed that fish thus exposed imbibe poisonous qualities, and sailors are very careful not to hang out their provisions by moonlight from a fear of its banefid influence.

There are several kinds of fish peculiar to those latitudes, among which is the Trumpeter, which weighs about 2lbs. It is caught in considerable quantities, salted and brought to Hobart Town for sale. Skate and Sahnon are also plentiful.

Another fish found in the rivers of Van Dieman's Land, is named the toad fish, partly from its shape being very short and thick; it is not eaten, being considered poisonous. They are about three or four inches long and nearly as broad, and are covered with brilliant yellow spots. I have been informed since I left, that a gentleman and his family at New Town, were poisoned with them, and that they all suffered very much, but that it only proved fatal to the gentleman.

I went next into the employ of a Mr. Campbell, who kept the Ferry between Hobart Town and Kangaroo Point.

The passage at this ferry is a very dangerous one, and is carried on in sail schooner boats. From the negligence and drunkenness of the ferrymen many lives had been lost, the squalls coming on very suddenly, and the wind frequently blowing veiy strong. There was also much opposition, 7 different persons having boats in this employ. I had but 10s. per week, with board and lodging, which is about the usual amount paid to labourers.

The boat I plied in had a short time before I went in her been upset, and the two boatmen and a passenger drowned. This boat had therefore a bad name, being denominated the drowning boat. Not a female passenger could I get to trust herself to my care, on account of this cognomen; so I set myself to work to overcome'the prejudice, and though I had so long been deprived of female society, and was consequently rather an ignoramus in the art of pleasing, yet I contrived at last to win them over, and not only so, but I strove so hard to give satisfaction by extra care, that I at length became somewhat of a favourite among the more timid sex; and I feel confident few things will conduce more to a man's thriving than having the good wishes of the fair.

On one occasion, being about to go off' with a Mrs. Wade, a farmer's wife at Pitwater, and two others, a man named Williams, a convict, who was employed in another boat, having only one passenger, and being intoxicated, endeavoured to alarm the passengers I had in my boat, by recounting the unfortunate accident that occurred In it, and stating to them the name that had been given it—i. e. "the drowning boat;" but Mrs. Wade replied, that she thought there was more safety in a drowning boat with a sober man, than in a safe boat with a drunken man; and it proved a most fortunate circumstance for them that they were not persuaded to change. Both boats started together, and, after proceeding a considerable distance, a severe squall coming on, Williams' boat was upset, in consequence of his having very incautiously and very improperly made fast the rope that confined the sail, so that it could not be immediately loosened, and he being intoxicated, was drowned; the passenger and his fellow boatman, however, reached the shore.

I continued in this employ till April, 1825, when I hired a boat on my own account, and again went what is termed a wooding—that is, as I have before stated, fetching wood from up the river, for the use of the inhabitants of Hobart Town. On application I had assigned to me a convict named Edward Moore, and with his assistance I continued this trading till the August following.

During this month, in going one of my trips, I stopped for the night about half a mile below Anagan Point, and here there was a station, where several convicts were employed in preparing wood for the Government service. My boat lay about thirty yards from the hut, which was situated close to the shore. I permitted my assistant to go on shore to sleep, but I remained myself in the boat; and about one o'clock I was awakened by an attack from a thief, who had swam off, and getting on board without my hearing him, now threatened my life if I stirred or made the least resistance. Feeling there was little to expect from the tender mercy of a bush-ranger, for such he was, I grappled with him, and a severe struggle we had,—I at the same time calling as loud as I could in order to alarm my man on shore, which I at length did—but not before the robber had attempted to stab me. In the attempt he fortunately dropt his knife, and my boat being at the time laden with potatoes, covered with straw, it fell among the latter, and he tried in vain to recover it. Finding that I had awakened the men on shore, and that he was now likely to get the worst of it, he again leaped overboard, and tried to escape by swimming, but my man seized him on his landing, and secured him. On my going on shore he begged very hard to be suffered to escape, vowing that he had no intention of hurting me. I hesitated for a considerable time, but knowing that I was surrounded by convicts, and that there exists sometimes a strong fellow-feeling among them, I deemed it advisable, there being no civil power within some distance, to make a virtue of necessity and therefore let the fellow go. I found his knife the next day among the straw, and a formidable weapon it was—and had he not dropt it, most likely my life would have been sacrificed.

Here again I had fresh cause for thankfulness to that Almighty Being, who had on so many occasions preserved me, and in this instance in such imminent danger—for whilst asleep and unarmed, I was attacked by a man, who, made desperate by his being an outlaw to society, his own existence therefore at stake, plunder in expectation, and my life the only obstacle, was ripe for the most dreadful exigency; and what but an over-ruling Providence could have preserved me? During the time I was in this boat, and having been obliged to wait for the tide at one of the wood farms belonging to Major Honor, opposite Anagan Point, seeing some of the natives near, curiosity led me and my man to venture among them. We found them broiling an oppossum, entrails and all, which, when cooked, they partook of with good appetites, and invited us by motions to join them. After this meal they began a kind of dance, all hands repeating the word corobory. We remained among them till towards daylight, during all which time they continued their revelry. They appeared to us a harmless people, though since they have proved very dangerous neighbours—for some of the most desperate convicts preferring to live by plunder rather than in lengthened servitude, joining the natives, and becoming bush-rangers, have frequently instigated them to attack the families of the settlers, and rob their dwellings, and cruelty and murder have often been the result.

I shortly after this met Mr. Earle, my old employer. He very kindly enquired after my welfare, and after some further conversation, offered to let me a much larger boat, on very advantageous terms, and with an assurance of plenty of employment for her. This boat burthened six tons, and the proposals he held out to me were so liberal, that I immediately accepted his offer, and from that time found him a sincere friend—anxious at all times to push me forward, and assisting me in every way he could.

My principal employ in this boat, was in conveying wood and black Wattle Bark (known in England by the name of Marmosa Bark) from Mr. Earle's farm to Hobart Town, and freighting back with whatever I could procure.

I had only been one fortnight in my new boat, when my bright hopes received a check, for it being generally believed that by far the greater portion of the Bush-rangers were on the Hobart Town side of the river, where their attacks on property and individuals had become very daring, it was determined to make a strong endeavour to repress them, all the inhabitants rising en masse for that purpose; and, as a necessary step, an embargo was laid on all the boats in the river, to prevent their being made use of by the bush-rangers, in effecting their escape into the interior. We were also required to keep watch nightly at the ferries, by an order from the government, and in which I was obliged to take my share. The active measures of Governor Arthur, subsequent to this, the strict discipline enforced, and the numerous police, now renders Van Dieman's Land perfectly secure against those depredators. Indeed the bush-rangers are annihilated, and property and life rendered as secure as it is in England.

As my boat was thus become useless to me, I consulted with Mr. Earle, and he told me if I would employ myself in stripping bark on his farm till I could again resume the boat, he would give me 10s. per ton; and the offer was made in such friendly guise, that although it was an occupation I was not at all versed in, I accepted his proposal.

While thus employed it was mentioned to me by Davis, that Mr. Earle had, in naming me, expressed himself very warmly in my favour, and that he had some intention of offering me the ferry,* if I would undertake it. I could scarcely believe the suggestion, but on the following day Mr. Earle himself proposed it to me.

This was a most unexpected offer, as it was a concern of considerable magnitude—at least for me; it was not however to be slighted, for the advantages it offered, if I could get it at a reasonable rate, were very great, not only in a pecuniary point of view, but as also establishing me on a much more respectable footing than my means or my industry had hitherto enabled me to take.

Mr. Earle first proposed my taking it at £1 per day; to this I objected, observing that if I took it I should like to have it by the year. I ultimately agreed to take it at a rent of £250 per annum, and entered on it the next day. This was iu November, and in December I had a regular agreement drawn up between us.

When I first entered on this concern the embargo was still on, and what was a damp to my prospects in the boat was a source of much profit to me here; for all persons crossing were obliged to come to the Ferries, and a very large increase of business was the consequence. I was my own clerk, superintendant, and ferry-man, and I used every means which industry suggested to make the most of my undertaking; I had then only two men as assistants, and yet my outgoings in rent and wages were between £400 and £500 per annum.

About 2 miles above the Ferry I rented there was another called Cove and Stoney Point Ferry; but to come to this Ferry it was requisite to cross a creek over which there was a bridge, and a flood having carried the bridge away, I had a very great influx of passengers in consequence, and this also added largely to my profits.

Mr. Austin still carried on the opposite side of the Ferry, and gave his men orders to render me every assistance in their power, so that my concern went on very smoothly, and netted me a very good income.

In April, 1826, Mr. Earle determined to retire from business, and offered to let me the inn, an estate of 2500 acres, and the Ferry; this however I considered to be more than I could manage, so I declined his offer, thanking him at the same time for his kind preference.

The whole concern was taken by a Mr. W. Johnson, a settler, but with the proviso that I was to retain the Ferry—paying Mr. Johnson the rent instead of Mr. Earle. I then purchased of Mr. Earle his large boat, for which I gave him £50; and Mr. E. having settled the business, both to his own satisfaction and mine, he retired to a residence named Green Ponds.

I have stated that Mr. Austin, on the opposite Ferry, rendered me all the assistance in his power, and without such assistance I should not have been enabled to go on so well, as besides the large punt I have mentioned, he had built two new horse boats, and two small boats, and the use of all those were most kindly granted me by Mr. Austin; in every respect Mr. A. acted most liberally, and I have much pleasure in thus acknowledging my obligations to him—indeed on parting with him he said that if I should be in any situation on my reaching England in which I had a chance of trading, he would forward me on my personal credit any amount of Van Dieman's Land produce I might choose to send for, but his dying shortly after was a sad disappointment to me.

Mr. Johnson had brought with him a superintendant to his farm named Wheavel, and this person, seeing tliat I was making a good concern of it, endeavoured to obtain the Ferry for himself, and to this end offered a much higher rental. Finding how matters stood, I gave it up, and Mr. Wheavel entered on the concern, on the 21st of August. I thus unfortunately was thrown out of a very profitable concern, and the party who took it had very little cause for congratulation. Envious persons frequently injure themselves, and this was the case here—for Mr. Austin being by no means pleased with the change, refused him any of the accommodation he had so liberally granted me, and the consequence was, that in six weeks Mr. Wheavel was obliged to give it up.

I had much difficulty in collecting my debts, and was obliged to resort to the Court of Requests for many of them. I found, however, every assistance in the commissioner, Joseph Hone, Esq,, Master of the Supreme Court, whose equitable decisions have rendered him universally respected in the colony. This occasioned me much loss of time; but in October I commenced trading in my own boat up the river, and in the following month, November, I was applied to by a Mr. A1 wright, who held the lease of Cove Point Ferry, to take it of him. As I could not agree upon terms, it passed on till January, 1827, when he again sent for me, and I then agreed to take it by the month at the rate of £180 per annum. This Ferry was the property of the children of a Mr. and Mrs. Morris, deceased, and was held in trust for them by Mr. Humphrey, the chief police Magistrate, and his chief clerk, Mr. Boyd.

I had at this Ferry one large punt, capable of carrying four loaded carts and their teams, &c. or animals in proportion, one horse boat, and a small boat. The opposite Ferry, called Stony Point, was in possession of a Mr. M'Mahon, but it belonged to a Mr. William Thomas Stocker, and I went on with him very comfortably, as we mutually assisted each other. The distance across was about a mile and a quarter, and the place lay very open and much exposed to the winds, therefore much additional care was required. While at this Ferry, an awful instance of drowning occurred; one of the men employed by Mr. M'Mahon, being excited by passion and drink, was swearing the most dreadfully blasphemous oaths a man could well utter, calling for the curses of God upon himself, when his prayer was most awfully answered; for he suddenly fell overboard, and although the water was not above eight feet deep, he never rose again. Immediate search was made for the body, but it was above two hours before it was found, when I discovered it sticking in the mud.

The dreadful end of this man is ever present to my mind, when I hear persons making use of oaths and imprecations, which are frequently indulged in, even in common conversation, in direct violation of the command, which says " swear not at all, neither by heaven for it is God's throne, nor by the eaith for it is his footstool;" and had such a dreadful visitation been witnessed by those who so thoughtlessly fill their mouths with curses, I feel convinced it would lead them to put a guard upon their tongues.

Many of my customers followed me to Cove Point Ferry, and would go one way to further my interest, and return the other to further the interests of my former friend, Mr. Austin.

During the time I was carrying on this Ferry, I had occasion to go to Hobart Town on business, and while remaining at the Inn kept by Mr. John Burgess, (who came home with me,) a quarrel took place in the room where I was sitting, when a woman excited by drink, taking offence at something I said, caught up a knife, and threw it at me with great violence, which struck me in the under hp, inflicting a very severe wound, the mark of which I now bear. Some of the party in the room seized hold of her and would have had her sent to prison and tried for the crime, but I refused to prosecute, and she was released. Had I proceeded against her, her life would most likely have been forfeited, as the law in Van Dieman's Land at that time was very strict; arid any attack on the person by dangerous weapons was construed into an attempt to murder. This was almost as strict as the laws of Draco, which were said to be written in blood; the state of society however, in a penal colony, and the free use of spirits by all classes, and both sexes, required no doubt a very stringent check, to give the necessary security to life and property; but since I have left that Colony I have been informed that a very great improvement has taken place in the morals of all classes through the exertions of the different Ministers of the Gospel in infusing a spiritual knowledge into the minds of their hearers.

The bridge I mentioned as having been washed away, had been substantially replaced before I entered on this concern.

In May, the Barque Lucy Ann, commanded by Captain Dacre, arrived at Hobart Town, and in her Mr. Veale, the same gentleman who commanded the Princess of Wales, and who was one of those who were wrecked with us, and who went to the Isle of France in the American Schooner. He was now first officer of this vessel.

On hearing where I was stationed, he sent me a letter inviting me on board the ship, and Mi*. Edward Bisdee,* brother of the head keeper of the prison in which I had been so unjustly confined, took the trouble to ride up with the letter to me himself, also bringing up letters from my friends in England, brought out by Mr. Veale.

I was extremely glad to hear of his being at Hobart Town, and went down the same day to see him, anxious to hear every thing I could, not only as regarded himself, but also about my connexions at home.

Mr. Veale informed me that himself, his brother, and Petherbridge, were landed by Captain Percival at the Isle of France, where a subscription was set on foot for them by the Governor, and that they were treated there with the greatest humanity—that he went to the Cape of Good Hope, in the Welch Brig, Hero, in which vessel I think he informed me he returned to England.

Jarvis Veale, the Captain's brother, and Petherbridge, returned to England in the Lord Exmouth, Capt. Evans, and on their arrival in the London Docks, they applied for relief to the British and Foreign Bible Society; their destitute state was made known to the Rev. Mr. Smith, of Penzance, (deservedly famed for his religious zeal in behalf of seamen,) who mentioned their case to the Lord Mayor, and in conjunction with Mr. Fabian, the secretary of the Society, and other gentlemen, set on foot a subscription for them; Mr. Smith preached a sermon in their behalf; on which occasion he introduced their skin dresses to the notice of the congregation, and made a liberal collection.

A long account of our voyage and shipwreck was published in the Morning Herald, of Nov. 24, 1823, from the statements given by Veale and Petherbridge.

The letters from my friends informed me that we had all been mourned as dead, and expressed much anxiety to see me, affectionately soliciting my return, also containing accounts of various family occurrences, by no means interesting to others, and which I shall not therefore trouble my readers by stating.

I had now made up my mind to return to England in the ship Cumberland, Capt. Cams; I however changed my determination, and the result to me was a most providential escape, as the Cumberland was taken by pirates, and every soul en board murdered.* There were several passengers on board, and among them a Mr. Emmett, a son I believe of the chief clerk in the Colonial Secretary's Department, with his two children, Mr. H. Walker, Surgeon, R. N., Mr. Commissary Clements, brother of H. Clements, Esq., of Canterbury, Mr. W. O. Vallance (brother to Mr. C. Vallance, 13, Edward Street, Bath), Mr. Peter Robinson, and Mr. Mead. I sent a letter to my friends by the Cumberland, but which of course never reached its destination, and no communication from me having reached my friends for two years, they again considered me dead. I had been waiting to hear from them in answer to mine.

The Lucy Ann traded between Hobart Town and Sydney, but after some time she was sold to the Government of Sydney.

Mr. Johnson, who took the Compton Ferry, with the estate, inn, &c. had made several applications to me to take the Ferry again of him, but so much disagreement had taken place between him and Mr. Austin, that the latter had vowed solemnly that not one of his boats should ever assist at Compton Ferry, let who might take it, I therefore declined the offer, not being willing to be placed in such a situation with my former friend; considering also that the want of Mr. Austin's friendship had been the means of Mr. Johnson's not doing well.

The lease of Cove Point Ferry, Inn, and Farm, being expired, it was advertised for letting by tender, and taken by a Mr. Joseph Howell; this was in September, 1827. Not knowing how to manage the Ferry concern, Mr. Howell offered it to me, and I now became the renter of it, from him, for £180 a year.*

Before Mr. Alwright left I bought twelve hundred weight of wool of him, for which I gave him £4 and sold it again to Mr. Veale, who had returned to Hobart Town in the ship Lang, Capt. Lusk, of which Mr. Yeale was first officer. I mention this circumstance to illustrate the price of this kind of produce at that period. It has since become a much more valuable commodity.

About March, 1828, Mr. Johnson pressed me very much to return and take Compton Ferry, and Mr. Howell now wishing to carry on the Cove Point Ferry himself, I waited on Mr. Austin, to ascertain how he would act in case I took it; but he would not go from his word. As a means however of enabling me to take it, he offered me his Ferry of Roseneath also, at a rent of £200 a year For Mr. Johnson's Ferry I agreed to give £208. a year, so I had now both sides in my own hands, and Mr. Austin's part I took for a term of three years.

I now applied to the government authorities and obtained four men, and their rations; as a set off to which I was to convey all Government property, and also all officers, either civil or military, across free of expence.

Poor Johnson became so involved, that Mr. Earle was obliged to distrain for his rent, and his property was sold for the demand. This caused a melancholy to take possession of his mind, and in a fit of despair he shot himself in his bed-room. This fatal act was committed by him on the 24th of July, 1828.

I had now to pay my rent to Mr. Earle, in justice to whom I must add, that he acted with great generosity to Johnson; for on his meeting with an accident by the sinking of his punt, he gave him up £50 of his rent, and in other respects behaved very kindly to him.

In October, 1828, I was crossing the Ferry with my punt, having on board twenty-five head of horned cattle, and I undertook to manage the animals, so as to keep them in trim, while my men towed in the small boat—but when about half way across, the cattle took it into their heads to run all on one side, and this being to leeward, their weight capsized my punt, and drowned twelve head of the cattle. I had a very narrow escape myself; I had, fortunately however, a small boat tied to the stern of the punt, and seeing that nothing I could do would prevent her going over, I jumped into it, and within a second afterwards she turned bottom upwards. The other thirteen head of cattle swam ashore. This was one of the most severe losses I met with, for rather than I would be considered as not acting equitably, and in order, as far as I could, to do as I would be done unto, I made up the entire amount to the owner, being £32 10s. after making some allowance for the skins. The bullocks were the property of a Mr. Win. Hutton, a very respectable butcher, a native of Scotland, who had sometime settled in Van Dieman's Land. He was so satisfied with my conduct in this affair, that he took every occasion to speak of it, made it public in the newspapers, and ultimately, I believe, I was a gainer, rather than a loser by the accident, for it created a great confidence among those who had to cross the river with large numbers of cattle, and by that means my Ferry obtained a preference.

In December, 1828, I received such pressing letters from my friends in England to pay them a visit, that I determined, if Mr. Austin would cancel my agreement, that I would give up the Ferry, although it was a great sacrifice, it being, in the economical way I conducted it, a very profitable concern. I had, however, now been absent from my native land nearly nine years; and the earnest intreaties of my friends were strongly seconded by my own inclinations; for callous must be the heart that can forget the associations of youth, and the scenes of early days, more particularly when blended with the affectionate call of aged parents, reaching him from the world's most distant point; of parents too, and friends, who had mourned him as dead, and in the sable garb of sorrow had shed the tear, as they considered, of earthly separation. My return to them under such circumstances, must have been felt by them as a resurrection from the dead; and to me the ideas that crowded on my mind, appeared to possess so little of the common occurrences of life, that I certainly indulged in flights of imagination, which to one so situated, may, I trust, be pardoned; and if I have not experienced in reality what my romantic fancy led ine to expect, I had the satisfaction of being received in the most affectionate manner by my kindred and friends. But my pen, like my imagination, is running faster than my narrative in proper pace should travel.

To return, after perusing, and re-perusing my letters from England, and in anticipation already enjoying the congratulations of my kindred, I was brought back to the recollection, that I had a lease of three years of Mr. Austin's Ferry, near two years of which were unexpired. Full of the ideas of home, however, I hastened to Mr. Austin, shewed him my letters—he entered into my feelings—I had little need of soliciting him to cancel the obligation I had entered into, for, in the most friendly manner, he said he would acquiesce with my wishes, whenever I felt disposed to return to the land of my birth.

With such a concern, however, I had much to do before I could settle all things to my satisfaction, and indeed that I did not contrive to do at last. After I left the Ferries were conducted by Mr. Solomon and Mr. Josiah Austin, (brothers) nephews of Mr. James Austin.

A considerable deal of credit is given on those Ferries, and I had a number of outstanding debts to call in; I did not therefore quit the Ferries till July 14, 1829, and even at this period I was much too premature, for it so happened, that in that year, the Court of Requests was suspended, a new act being in preparation. It was reported, and fully expected, that this act would come out in May, but instead of its so doing it did not arrive till July, 1830, and I had no means therefore of obliging those indebted to me to pay what they owed; and it happens in Van Die man's Land much the same as in other places, that when people are not obliged to pay they will take every advantage the non-operation of the law will give them.

As the amount owed me was considerable, I took up my residence at Hobart Town, and set myself to work to gather in my accounts, but the progress I made was so small, that when the act arrived nearly 12 months after, I had still a large amount of arrears unsettled.

During this period I spent much of my time in hearing the trials in the criminal court, which was presided over by his Honour, John Lewes Peddar, Esq. (now Sir John Peddar,)* and the crimes were but too frequently of the most dreadful kind, more particularly those committed by the Bush-rangers; for as they had seldom much lenity shewn them, they were seldom disposed to stay their hands from murder, if either the plunder or their own safety was at stake.†

About this time there was an alteration in the law as regarded the punishment of death for sheep stealing, &c. and by the exertions of Mr. Gillebrand, more than 20 prisoners, who were condemned to death for that and other crimes, had their sentences commuted to transportation for different periods, but none above seven years.

It was at this period, the latter end of 1828, that the famous London fence, Ikey Solomons, made his appearance in Van Dieman's Land, having escaped from the turnkey of the Newgate Prison, in London. He was soon recognized by his old acquaintance, the London thieves; some of whom would address him most familiarly, but he would not admit the recognition. Others would abuse him, saying " there goes the old rascal who used to fence my swag, and if it had not been for him, I should not have been here with other similar language. This coming to the ears of the authorities, a communication was sent to England, and a warrant was forwarded from thence for his apprehension. He had opened a store in Liverpool street, which was well supplied with watches, clothes, &c. &c., and was living in apparent affluence with his wife, he having procured from the governor her release from the female house of correction. On the warrant coming out, Mr. Thomas Capon, the chief constable of the colony, with an assistant, took him into custody, and lodged him in the high goal. He was in a few days brought before the Court. He employed Mr. Gillebrand as his counsel (who came out as Attorney General, but who had been suspended,) who contended that the authorities had no right to send him home under the warrant. The case was argued for nearly a fortnight, and I attended the court nearly all the time.

John Lewes Peddar, Esq., the Chief Justice, presided. The Attorney General, Algernon Montague, Esq., and the Solicitor General, Alfred Stephens, Esq., contended for the legality of the arrest, and the right to send him home, and overruled all the arguments adduced by Ikey's able advocate. The result was, that the Governor determined on talcing the responsibility of Mr. Solomon's return to England to take his trial. I presume my readers are tolerably well informed of the sequel. He was sent home in the Prince Regent, commanded by Captain Mallard, R. N. which sailed from Hobart Town, January 25, 1830, in the custody of Mr. Thomas Capon, chief constable in the colony. He was fully convicted, and sentenced to transportation, I believe, for 14 years, and again sent out to Van Dieman's Land.

At the end of 1830, the brig Dragon, Captain Briggs, commander and owner, arrived at Hobart Town, from New Zealand, who gave an account of his visit to that island, which was printed in the Hobart Town Courier of Dec. 18, 1830; he stated that while he was there, there were between 50 and 60 vessels in the different harbours of the island, seeking for cargoes of flax, or engaged in the whale fishery. Flax was in consequence difficult to be obtained. That owing to the intraduction of fire arms and ammunition, which were obtained from the English ships in barter for flax, and other productions of the island, the native tribes were growing more ferocious and hostile towards each other. That had he condescended to charter his vessel to one of the chiefs, for the purpose of conveying himself and his army to a neighbouring island, in order that they might take revenge on a hostile tribe, who two years before had treacherously murdered one of their chiefs, he might have obtained a full cargo of flax, but much to his credit he refused the tempting offer. Upon his declining the offer, another vessel accepted the charter, and transported the chief and his army accordingly, who taking their enemies by surprise killed about a hundred, destroyed their town, and having cooked the bodies of about 70, (which they packed up in baskets) they returned to the vessel with their booty, in order to feast within the bounds of their own territory undisturbed, on the horrid and revolting food of human flesh.

The New Zealanders like most other savages, cherished the most deadly revenge, but it was a curious circumstance that in this affray with their enemies, they spared all the aged of both sexes.

The chief who had committed the murder was with his wife and daughter taken prisoners, and were brought back in the vessel, in order that a more deliberate revenge might be taken upon them at a general assembly to be held by the victors on a certain day. This was to be effected by hanging the prisoner chief by the heels, when the wife of the murdered chief was to have the satisfaction (to her) of stabbing him to the heart with a dagger. The generals of the conquering army were then to drink of his blood, as it flowed from the wound; his heart was to be afterwards give n to the son of the treacherously murdered ohief, and the remainder of the body distributed among the different members of the tribe.

During the return of the vessel from the affray, the prisoner chief and his wife strangled their daughter, a fine child about nine years old, with a piece of twisted hemp to prevent their enemies exercising any cruelty towards her.

The New Zealanders at that period, instigated by their chiefs, exerted themselves to an extraordinary degree, and worked night and day to produce flax, in order to purchase muskets and powder, as it gave them such an advantage over those of their enemies who were not so armed.

On another occasion when Captain Briggs visited New Zealand, he ransomed a youth who had been taken prisoner, for a musket and some powder, whose life would otherwise have been sacrificed, and his body eaten. He brought the boy to Hobart Town, and acted towards him as if he had been one of his own family, sending him to school, and clothing him most respectably. I saw the lad several times, he was a very fine looking fellow; indeed the New Zealanders are the finest race of coloured people I ever saw; they are of a copper colour, of a middle stature, and very well formed. They are frequently employed in the whalers, and in the trading vessels between Van Dieman's Land and New Zealand, and make very expert seamen.

By the active exertions of the missionaries, canibalism has been effectually put down, and New Zealand bids fair to be a most valuable and prosperous colony, the climate being extremely fine, and the soil very rich, with commodious harbours, and well situated for trade, laying about 1200 miles east of Hobart Town. It lays also in a somewhat indirect line from thence with the friendly islands, Society's islands, the Marquesas, and California.

Active measures were at this time adopted at Hobart Town for checking the depredations of the wild natives, who had in many instances plundered and murdered the settlers. A consultation was held by the authorities, and it was determined to form, if possible, a cordon around where they were supposed to be nearly all congregated. All the soldiers were sent out, and the respectable inhabitants did duty in their stead; but it was supposed that the blacks had information of the measures about to be taken, as many of the natives who had at times been employed as servants by the settlers, had afterwards returned to their tribe and had frequently become formidable leaders of the depredators; and there being some few of the natives in Hobart Town, in the capacity of servants, it was not possible to keep the measure so secret as to prevent its coming to their knowledge. Be it however as it may, the blacks were too' cunning for the whites, for very few of them were taken.

It had happened that one of the most formidable of their leaders, named Musquito * and who had previously been in the service of a settler, was some years before taken and executed, and from that period a spirit of revenge had taken hold of their minds, which led them to every species of crime, and they scarcely ever spared the lives of those they happened to attack, but speared them without mercy.

Among their victims was a Mr. James Hooper, a settler, from Bridgewater, Somersetshire, a man of considerable property: he had three farms and a large number of sheep and cattle. He was staying at one of his farms, in the month of August, 1830, when it was attacked by the natives. His men, seeing that they were outnumbered, fled, and Mr. Hooper was cruelly murdered. He was aged about 62.

I remained in Hobart Town, collecting my debts, &c. until the beginning of 1831, but even then I Was obliged to leave much money behind.

The ship Lang, Mr. George Sutherland commander, being about to sail for England, and Mr. JosiahAustin, nephew of Mr Austin, the proprietor of Roseneath ferry, being about to take his passage in this vessel, I determined on doing so likewise.

Young Austin was returning to England for the purpose of taking out some other branches of the family, as Mr. A. had made a considerable property, and wished to benefit his relatives, by having them out with him. Another nephew of Mr. Austin took the superintendance of the Ferry at lioseneath, when I left it.*

Having provided ourselves with the necessary sea stock, we embarked on the 13th February, 1831. The other passengers were Captain D'Arcy, of the army and his lady, and a Mr. Burgess, who kept an inn in Hobart Town. We went down the river the same evening, lay to off the farm of Mr. Mansfield our pilot, took on board a good supply of fuel and potatoes, and then proceeded on our voyage; passed Tasman's Head just as it was growing dark, and soon after lost sight of Van Dieman's Land.

It was somewhat remarkable that it was exactly seven years, seven months, and seven days from the time I first saw Van Dieman's Land till I lost sight of it. With pleasing anticipations I now bade it farewell, although to me it had proved an hospitable land, and in it I had found many friends, from whom I did not part without feelings of sorrow.

We experienced contrary winds for several days after our departure, and did not weather the south west part of New Holland till the beginning of March. The determination of the Captain of the vessel to make the passage home by the Cape of Good Hope, instead of round Cape Horn, caused our voyage to be considerably protracted.

About the middle of April we were abreast of Madagascar, and here we experienced one of the most tremendous storms of thunder and lightning I ever witnessed. It was fortunately accompanied by very heavy rain, for otherwise it is probable we should have suffered from it,—the flashes of lightning were so vivid, and so instantaneously followed by the thunder, that the electric fluid must have been in active force within a very short distance of the vessel. The thunder and lightning continued all night, but in the morning the weather cleared up and we proceeded on our voyage.

On the 30th of April we made the coast of Africa, and on the 8th of May rounded the Cape of Good Hope, with a heavy wind from the south east. We now steered for the Island of St. Helena. On the 10th it blew so hard, that we could not carry sail, and were obliged to heave to for many hours. From the 13th to the 23rd we had contrary winds, but we now met the south-east trade wind, and on the 30th in the morning made the island of St. Helena, of which General Dallas* was then the Governor. On the following day the passengers, including myself, Captain D'Arcy and his lady, Mr. Austin, and Mr. Burgess, made an excursion to the tomb of Napoleon, which was about three miles from the town. The situation of the then resting place of that, while living, restless spirit, by whose deeds all Europe had been shaken, has so oft been described, and by poetry's imagination sung, that I shall merely say, it afforded us, after a long confinement on ship board, a very pleasant trip.

On the next morning, June 1, the Captain having in the mean time taken on board a sufficient supply of water for the remainder of the voyage, and other necessaries, we again got under weigh.

There were other preparations requisite now, for about this time many vessels had been plundered by pirates near the line, every person on board therefore, passengers and all, were daily exercised at the great guns and small arms, in order, should we be attacked, not only to give them a warm reception, but also an effectual one. We had a strong breeze from St. Helena to the Equator, which we crossed on the 10th June, at night, in longitude about 22 degrees west, and when we came in the latitude of 6 degrees north we got into the north-east trade winds.

Near the Line we saw several small vessels, whose appearance was by no means prepossessing, but as we made a formidable display, keeping our ports up, and our guns in view, none came near us. Those piratical vessels are generally schoonerrigged, and carry two long eighteen-pounders, and have a great many men in them.

According to the usual plan we now stretched away to the north-west, in order to get out of the trade winds, into the variables, and proceeded as far as 33 degrees North latitude, and longitude 42 degrees west, before we obtained our wishes. This was on the 8th of July; we then got a westerly wind, steered our course for the English Channel, and on the 29th, to our no small joy, made the Lizard Point, bearing N. N. E. distant about fifteen miles. And now Old England once more in view, appeared to infuse a new life into us; mutual congratulations were exchanged, and we all began to make preparations for a landing according as opportunities might offer.

As my home was in the "West of England, I was of course anxious to take the first chance that offered. On the next day, Saturday the 30th, we got off Plymouth, and here we had a view of those noble bulwarks of Great Britain, her wooden walls, as we passed close to a squadron of line-ofbattle ships, who were out on an exercising cruise, and we saw them exercising their men and guns in great perfection; but it must be a great gratification to every reflecting mind, that since that period there has been very little necessity for their deadly use; and I trust the day is far distant that will see Englishmen again arrayed in deadly strife against their fellow men. On Sunday morning the 31st, we came off Torbay, and now I anxiously looked out for some conveyance to land. I was in sight of my native village—my heart beat high against my breast, as if it were eager to meet the scenes from which it had been so long separated, ere the means were ready to convey its owner to the fondly cherished spot which had sheltered his early days. The venerable tower of Paignton, forming as it does one of the most conspicuous objects in the bay, was full in view, and with my glass I could trace many well remembered objects, even the very dwelling of my childhood and the home of my parents. I gazed and gazed again—my feelings were too big for utterance,—vain would be my attempts to describe them.

Daring the larger part of this day we were becalmed, and the current drove us till we were off Dartmouth, and yet no means of landing appeared. In the evening a breeze sprang up, and the Captain in the kindest manner, ran his vessel as close in shore as he could do with safety, to see if any boats would come off, but to my inexpressible disappointment none appeared. The wind was however extremely light all night, from the N. N. E. and the next morning it again became quite calm. In the afternoon we saw several fishing sloops, and "one of them came near, and sent a boat on board with some fish for sale. This vessel was out of Weymouth, and understanding from her that a schooner, at no great distance, was bound to Brixham, I offered the men ten shillings to put me oil hoard of her, which they accepted. I now bade my fellow-passengers farewell, with whom, I must add, I spent the time as pleasantly as possible, as we each strove to add to the others comforts, and not the least cause of disagreement occurred during the passage.

I soon had all things ready to depart, and quickly got on board the sloop; the captain of her made a signal to the schooner to lay to, which she did accordingly; and on nearing him he accompanied me on board, in order to satisfy the commander, whoever he might be, that the ship I left was healthy, and from a healthy climate.

From the Captain of the schooner, Mr. Samuel Tyrer, I received the greatest civility; for he would not accept of the smallest remuneration for taking me to Brixham,—where we arrived on the following morning, Tuesday, August the second —the passage from Van Dieman's Land occupying five months and twenty one days.

On going ashore I went to the house of an old school-fellow, Mr. James Clarke, hatter, of Brixham, who gave me a most cordial welcome; he would fain have had me stop a short time with him, but as I was anxious to return to Paignton, he procured a horse and gig, and accompanied me thither; and fearing that my sudden appearance might be too exciting to my parents, I waited at an old frend's house, till Mr. Clarke had first seen them, and prepared them for receiving me.

Both my parents were still alive, but infirmity had put an iron hand on my father; my presence, however, gave him much comfort. My mother wept over me with joy,—I was unto them as a Lazarus risen from the dead, her feelings could not be expressed, and only conceived by those who have had their dearest connexions given up as lost, and who by an over-ruling Providence have been afterwards restored to them. Since that period I have been called on to pay my father those last and sorrowful duties, which sum up the end of our human career; and I only of four brothers then living, had the mournful consolation of attending him in his last hours.*

But not to tire my readers with my sorrows, I will only add, that my reception among my friends was most friendly and cordial, and to that kind Providence, which in so many dangers, and under so great privations, threw its protection over me, must I return my grateful acknowledgments for restoring me to my native soil, blessed with health, and though with but small means, sufficient I had hoped, with a competent share of assiduity and industry, to have enabled me to spend the remainder of my life among my family connexions and friends.

My father died on the 8th of April, 1832, of a seizure, being the 4th attack he had experienced. On the 18 th of Nov. following I married AnnMoyle, eldest daughter of Mr. Wm. Richardson, musician, then of the Newfoundland Inn, Newton Abbott,* intending with the small capital I then possessed to go into business; after some time however, my prospects in England being any thing but favourable, I should have returned to YanDieman's Land, but the solicitations of my aged mother and the ill health of my wife prevented me. The latter has now for more than three years been labouring under a derangement of the mental faculties, a disorder more distressing than that of the body, and this has been one of the severest trials in my sad experience. It is not however on all occasions that this exhibits itself, and her malady is of a harmless character, so that even in this affliction I have something to be thankful for. I lost my remaining parent, my kind and affectionate mother, in 1844. She died July 23, after a painful and lingering illness, which she bore with christian fortitude and resignation to the will of God, in her 80th year. Still anxious for my future comfort, in her last illnes,* she conjured me never to return to a sea-faring life. As far as pecuniary matters are concerned I have had much cause to regret leaving: Van Dieman's Land, having been unfortunate in my speculations, first in keeping an inn, at Dartmouth, and afterwards in a shop business at Brix ham; and my entire dependance, for the support of myself and my afflicted wife, now rests on the patronage I obtain in the disposal of this narrative of my chequered life. I cannot but express my acknowledgments for the support and sympathy I have experienced from all classes, in my endeavours to obtain a livelihood by this means; many ladies and gentlemen have not only purchased copies, but have furnished me, unasked, with letters of introduction to their friends; and I should have been wanting in gratitude to them, had I failed to express my thanks, when their kindness has now enabled me to print a new edition† of my work. From a great prejudice against travelling authors, I have found much difficulty in introducing my book to many families in London and other places, in consequence of the many frauds that are practiced; any kind friends therefore, who, after reading my narrative, may be induced to purchase it, would confer an additional favor by giving me an introduction to any of their friends.

In my first edition I gave a very lengthened account of Yan Dieman's Land; but as I have found that it was not a subject of general interest, I have now only given the principal points on which enquiries have been made, but shall be happy to reply to any further questions which the information I have obtained by a long residence in that country may enable me to answer.

A few copies of the Statistical view of Van Dieman's Land are still remaining, price 2s.

*48, Hertford St. May Fair, London, May 3rd., 1847.

I hereby certify, that I have operated successfully upon Mr. Goodridge, for the obliquity of vision, (Squint) which he has suffered since his infancy, and which he mentions in the late Editions of his Narrative.

J. B. ASHFORD."

* The following is a copy of a certificate I have obtained from Mr. John Cox: " I hereby certify that having exmained the Register of Merchant Seamen's Aux. Bible Society, kept by my father, the late Capt. J. Cox, R. N. agent at Gravesend, I find the following entry, dated May 10, 1820:—' Princess of "Wales, Wm. Veale* Capt. J. Barkworth, owner, belonging to London, bound to the South Seas, 15 men on board of whom 12 were reported to be able to read—one Bible and two Testaments left on board for the use of the crew,' Signed, John Cox, 50, Cheapside, London, Aug. 21, 1843." The difference in the date may be accounted for, by supposing that Capt. Cox kept his register, as they do the sea log, by which the nautical day begins and ends at 12 o'clock at noon, and Capt. Cox did not come on board till after 12 o'clock on the 9th of May.

* " In those parts of the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans which are remote from land, between the limits of about thirty degrees, north latitude, and thirty degrees south more or less, there is a constant easterly wind throughout the year; this is called the general trade wind. Receding from the neighbourhood of the Equator towards the north or south, the wind ceases, however, to blow directly from the east; at some distance on the north side it constantly blows from between the north and east, and on the south side from between south and east. The former of these is called the north-east trade wind, and the latter the south-east trad? wind. To this general statement there are however some exceptions: the trade winds are found to vary, both in extent and direction, with the season of the year. Thus when the sun approaches the Tropic of Cancer, the south-east trade-wind prevails further northward than the equator, proceeding from a point nearer the south than the east; and the north-east trade-wind more from the eastward than at other times. On the contrary, when the sun approaches Capricornus, the north-east trade-wind proc eeds more from the northward than usual, and extends farther to the south of the Equator; and the south-east trade-wind also veers at the same time, coming from a point a little nearer the east.

" The south-east trade-wind has been known to extend to the distance of seven degrees northward of the Equator, and to shift so much as to blow from the south; also, it sometimes happens that the north-east and south-east trade winds nearly meet each other; but at other times there will be an interval of several degrees between them; this interval is subject to calms, squalls, thunder, lightning, and heavy rains, and if any wind prevail, it is usually from the south-west quarter."

* Tussicking up the boat consists in placing one edge on the ground, then raising the other edge three or four feet, with a sort of turf wall, leaving an opening for a doorway sufficient for the men to creep in and out. A fire is made outside the opening with sea elephant blubber, and each man on retiring to rest takes his station between the thwarts of the boat where he usually rows.

* These birds are so named from their cry sounding like P. O. and the Molly-mocks, from their cry sounding much like Maughs, hence Molly-maughs, or Molly-mocks.

* When the skins were very tender, half an hour's wear would suffice to bring them into holes, we used therefore generally to take two or three Bpare pairs with us on any long excursion.

* In whaling voyages, this is one of the most formidable dangers experienced, as a whale will sometimes strike a boat so forcibly as to send it into the air, crew and all, and the lives of the men are frequently lost by such accidents.

* This is the fat of the animal, from which the South seamen extract the oil by boiling.

* William Hooper being in the boat, he was the first that saw the bible, and he sung out lustily, pull up, pull up, here is our bible.

* These animals, although of enormous size, offer scarce any resistance, are very sluggish in their movements, and consequently easily killed. We used first to give them a blow on the nose with the flat side of the lance, when they would rear themselves up above our height, resting on their fore flippers, and were easily dispatched with our lances, as they then presented to us the parts more easily penetrated, and their movements were only backward, without changing their upright position, as we repeated our assaults.

* We used sometimes to take a view of our improved appearance in the smooth surface of some standing pool, and pass our jokes on the fascinating figures we should cut, if, in such sooty guise, with the addition of our lengthened beards, we had an opportunity of meeting our wives or sweethearts.

* The flesh resembled very coarse beef, to the eye, but was very hard, and by no means palatable.

* The want of Tobacco is generally considered a great punishment, to those who have used it for any time, but such habits, however inveterate, may be overcome by perseverance as well as by necessity, as I have proved in my own case, for in the year 1846, finding that many ladies, to whose kindness I was much indebted, had a great aversion to the smell of tobacco, I determined to give up the practice, and from that time I have never taken a pipe in my mouth.

* The exertions of the Bible Society, in distributing the Scriptures among Sailors, has tended greatly to improve their morals, and to check swearing aud blasphemous language, at one period so commonly in use among them; indeed it was often a boast who could swear the vilest oaths. To take a Bible or a Prayer Book in your hand was sure to bring on you the jeers and ribaldry of all your Messmates, and you were fortunate if you escaped without experiencing some practical joke. Now however, those inclined to be serious, may in general peruse their Bibles without molestation. I am gratified thus to bear evidence of its great benefit in this point of view. It has also led to a much more orderly observance of the sabbath. Those facts I have culled from frequent converse with sailors since my return to England.

* My attention has been called to a description of the Patagonian Penguin, in No. 293 of the Penny Magazine; but although the general detail is pretty correct, our long acquaintance gave us a better opportunity of observing the habits of the different species.

* From the excavations made in the earth by the numerous birds that formed their nests in it, in some places it became quite hollow, and rather treacherous ground to travel on.

* This plan was taught us by some of our crew, who had been voyages to Kergulyan Land and South Georgia, to procure Elephant's oil, and were well informed as to the kind of birds frequenting the South Sea Islands, their use for food, and the best mode of taking them.

* See the frontispiece: the birds slung on the sticks are the result of a day's forage; the birds in the back ground are Penguins, and walking erect with their white breasts, have a very pretty appearance.

* We were often spectators at those fights, and according to theirs prowess, named the combatantsWellington, Nelson, Blucher, Buonaparte, &c., and by their scars we were enabled to recognize them, when they appeared at different periods.

* The nails and hammer are a necessary appendage to a Sealing party, as the boats frequently receive damage in landing on the rough beaches, in heavy surfs; and sealing vessels always take a supply of boards for repairing the boats in case of accident.

* At page 82, the conversion of the party alluded to, Matthias Mazora, is given; he was one of the sealing party, and it was on their island the circumstance took place. It was after they joined us that I learnt the particulars, and was witness to his anxiety for scriptural knowledge.

* Hooper frequently declared that should it be his misfortune to outlive his companions, he should prefer death by starvation, to such a solitude, and that this would certainly be his fate.

† We ascertained the period by finding some tallies of skins obtained by them, on which the date 1805, &c., was cut; and at this period it appeared that the Seals were in great plenty, for their tallies were very numerous; we found many even in our cursory search.

* This is a vessel holding about thirty gallons, and used by South-Seamen in procuring oil from the blubber of the Sea Elephants.

* The Sabbath among sailors is too often converted into a day of riot and drunkenness; but in this a great improvement has been effected, since the establishment of Bethel ships, and the spread of the scriptures. The ill-consequences of the abuse of the sabbath I have often been a witness to; and not the least striking instance, was that which occurred to myself and fellow shipmates at Lisbon (see page 40).

*Capt. Tanner, of the Indian Navy, resident at Exeter, after perusing my Narrative, told me he considered the arrival of the vessel most Providential for us, for he recollected, that when abroad in 1823, a vessel had been cast away on the island of Tristan D'Acunha, and the crew having contrived to build a boat caulking her with seal fur and albatross down, a portion of them embarked in her, but they were not out of sight of the island before she foundered, and all on board perished.

† During the whole of the time we were on the Islands, we of course had no other drink but water; we were consequently a "Total Abstinence Society" from necessity; and although our labour was sometimes excessive, we certainly did not experience any ill effects from the want of stronger drink.

* The mouth of this cave was about eight feet across, and we tried to convert it into a pit-fall, to catch more Hogs, by placing a few sticks across, and over them some brush wood; we then laid some Craw-fish over all, but the Hogs were too cunning for us, for we were not able to catch any in this way.

* Since my return to Dartmouth, I have learnt that Soper's grandmother had died, and the property had gone to a distant relative.

* During my sojourn at Budleigh Salterton, Devon, in Oct, 1839, I sent one of my books to a gentleman, named Duell, resident there, and when L called on him, to my astonishment he informed me, that he was the owner of the King George whaler, and its tender the Success, and after a long conversation, he presented me with a certificate, of which the following is a copy:—

I, Thomas Duell, Lieut., Royal Navy, residing at Budleigk Salterton, Devon, do hereby certify that I have perused the little work written by Charles Medyett Goodridge, and was greatly surprised to find that the vessels mentioned, viz. the Success Sloop and the King George were my vessels. I recollect perfectly well on the return of Mr, Anderson to England, (who commanded the Success) that he stated having taken three persons from the Island of St. Paul, and conveyed them to Van Dieman's Land, I have since seen the poor man, and am perfectly convinced of the truth of his statement.

Budleigh Salterton, 5th Oct. 1839.

THOMAS DUELL, Lieut. R. N.

* It is somewhat remarkable that Walters recognized the Sueeess to be an old acquaintance, she having been built in South Georgia some years before, and he being there had helped to rig her out. This made him anxious to go in her, and he felt much disappointed at not drawing a prize. South Georgia is an island in the Southern Ocean, frequented fos procuring Elephant Oil. It is situated inlat. 54 deg, 32 min. south, long,. 36deg. 11 min. west.

† I have obtained but little information of what became of those we left on the island of St. Paul. I met with one of them, (Millechant) at Dartmouth, in 1835, whoinformed me that he with Mazora, remained on the Island for 12 months, during which time they obtained a considerable number of Seal-skins, with which they freighted a vessel that called at the island; that they proceeded to the East Indies, sold their cargo, and with the proceeds purchased a vessel. In her they proceeded to South America, but not being navigators themselves, and the Captain they employed being irregular in his conduct, they thought it prudent to sell her again. That they then formed a settlement on an Island near Japan, which, with the aid of slaves, they had cultivated to a considerable extent, and that he was then returned to England, to appoint a correspondent in London. Millechant also informed me, that while in London, he had met with Spesinick, who told him that he was in the employ of a Merchant, named Bennett, as a Ship-keeper. I saw this gentleman, (Mr. Bennett,j in 1843, who informed me that Spesinick had been in his employ as a ship-keeper, up to the time of his death, which had occurred three years previous. I made particular enquiry of Millechant, what became of the Bible presented to us by Capt. Cox, it having been left with those who remained on the island of St. Paul's; I am sorry to say, however, he could afford no clue to trace its final history. It has been observed to me as a matter of regret, that I could not give a more detailed account of it. Had this been offered as a work of fiction, like De Foe's much and justly admired work, Robinson Crusoe, additional interest might no doubt have been imparted to it, but being published as a " statement of facts," I could not deviate from the strict line of truth. —Captain Veale, (I learnt from R. Brooks, esq.,) in 1843, commanded the ship Achilles, belonging to him, trading from London to New South Wales, and Van Dieman's Land. Jarvis Veale, the Captain's brother, went to America, where he died about 8 years since, leaving a widow and one child. Petherbridge sails in a vessel in and out of Dartmouth. These were the three who proceeded to the Isle of France, in the American Schooner.

* See certificate at the commencement of the book.

* The Author has in his possession the Hobart Town Newspaper, giving an account of the arrival of the Elizabeth, and also of the Success sloop, and King George whaler.

* In August 1843, I had the pleasure of waiting on this kind friend at his Chambers, Cornhill, London. After making myself known, (for I had not seen him since 1823, when at Hobart Town,) he received me very kindly, and informed me that he still

carried on the shipping trade to New South Wales and Van Dieman's Land, and had vessels always running with passengers and freights. I presented him with a copy of my work, and pointed out to him the incident stated above, and told him that many persons considered this a fiction. I waited on him again in a few days, when he had read the narrative, and at my request he gave me a certificate of its authenticity (see copy among opinions of the Press, &c. at beginning of the book).

* Now Major General Sir George Arthur, Bart, late Governor of Bombay. 1 have great pleasure in bearing witness to the indefatigable zeal of this gentleman in promoting moral and religious discipline. On every Sabbath morning, all the troops would be marched to St. David's Church, when all those who preferred attending other places of worship, were allowed to file off; at the close of the services, they were all obliged to return in front of St. David's Church, and march back to the barracks, and this liberal example had a most beneficial effect in uniting all denominations in aiding his benevolent endeavours. He promoted the same moral and religious principles among all classes, and especially among those of the Prisoners of the Crown, who were transported thither.

* During the time I remained unemployed, I wrote an account of the particulars of our disastrous voyage, to which I addiid the other incidents as they occurred. This manuscript I brought with me to England, and thus I was enabled, with the aid of a good memory, to compile my narrative with tolerable accuracy.

* I have learnt from Mr. Wm. Austin, of Baltonsborough, Somerset, whom I visited in January 1841, and who returned from Van Dieman's Land about 3 years previous, that not long after I left, Davis obtained his emancipation, by steady conduct there, and had acquired some property. This man Davis was the boy who drove the cart, which went over me at Paignton, (see page 27,) and he frequently named the circumstance of my extraordinary escape without injury.

* A Ticket of leave enables the convict to work for any master on his own account, with the proviso, that he is not to go out of the district without a pass from the government. At the present time no convict sentenced for life can get such an indulgence till he has served eight years with good conduct; those sentenced to fourteen years, must serve six years; and those sentenced to seven years, must serve four years.

* The head gaoler was a Mr. John Bisdee, of Egford House, Whatley, near Frome, in Somersetshire, a very respectable gentleman, from whom I had received much kindness when I was employed at Compton Ferry, but I could not induce the under gaoler or turnkey to take a message to him from me, or otherwise I should not have been subjected to such treatment.

† This gentleman returned to England, and died in June 1836, his tomb is in the Churchyard of Frindsbury, Rochester, of which place I believe he was a native.

* In one of those voyages we were freighted by a man named Charles Routley, who was in partnership with a Mr. Butler. Mr. Butler was missed, and shortly after Routley took to the Bush, and became the terror of the neighbourhood. He was subsequently tried and found guilty of stealing Bullocks, and this led to his being charged with the murder of a Mr. Buckley, of which he was also found guilty, and on the 18th of September, 1830, he was executed, previous to which he confessed to having been the murderer of his partner, Mr. Butler, as well as several others. This Routley, although he was such a character, had only one arm. I witnessed his execution, and almost shuddered when I considered that I had been in a manner employed with him—for when he freighted the sloop, he himself measured the wheat into her.

* Mr. Jno. Bisdee arrived at the Colony about 1820, and Mr. Edward Bisdee about 1825, and when I left both were possessed of considerable property, and highly respected. Mr. John Bisdee married his wife from Frome, in Somersetshire.

The Messrs. Bisdee were natives of Hatton Court, Weston Super Mare, in Somersetshire. I saw Mr. John Bisdee, in 1843, in London, who had just returned from Van Dieman's Land, and I think he told me he was going back again.

* This was in some measure ascertained by a vessel which arrived in Hobart Town some time afterwards, the Captain of which had been taken on board a pirate near the line, where he had seen some articles with the Cumberland's name painted on them; which, with some other corroborative testimony, was afterwards published in the Van Dieman's Land papers.

* Mr. Howell's mother acted as his housekeeper, and I have learnt that some years since I left, a party of bush-rangers with blackened faces and otherwise disguised, having attacked the house during the absence of her son, for the purpose of robbery, she threatened them with the vengeance of the law, stating at the same time that she knew them; in consequence of which they sacrificed her life. Several of the party were subsequently taken, tried, and executed for the cruel murder.

* This Gentleman was most patient in investigating evidence, dealt out the most even-handed justice, and his feelings were intensely excited when it became his awful duty to condemn the culprits to death. The Revd. W. Bedford was the Episcopal Chaplain, and the Revd. P. Conolly, the Catholic Priest, who usually attended the Prisoners, and their duties were most arduous. The former gentleman, on one occasion, in 1823, in going to the House of Correction to exhort the Female Prisoners, was set upon by some of the most desperate characters, and most seriously maltreated, and had it not been for the prompt assistance of the chief constable, Mr. Pitt, with some of his assistants, who rescued the Rev. Gentleman out of their hands, he would, in all probability, have received considerable injury.

† On the 1st of August, 1828, I witnessed the execution of a Jew, Abraham Aaron, for robbing his master—he expressed great remorse, and before his death embraced Christianity. He was baptized a short time before he was executed. On the scaffold he addressed the spectators, among whom were several Jews, and exhorted them in the words of scripture to believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, and be saved.

In 1830 I also witnessed the execution of a man named Nottingham. In his confession he stated that he first commenced his career of evil by disobedience to his parents, and having been punished by imprisonment in different penitentiaries and other houses of correction in England, he was transported to Van Dieman's Land, from thence he was banished to Maria Island; from thence he was removed for still greater offences, to Macquarie Harbour, and he ultimately finished his career on the scaffold, so that the correcting hand of justice, instead of restraining or sending him back to a honest life, seems to have impelled him on by degrees to the pinnacle of ignominy. Such however are but rare instances.

* This negro was in Gaol at Hobart Town, at the period I was confined on the charge of being a run-away sailor from the King George.

* In January, 1841, I visited Mr. John Austin, at Baltonsborough, Somersetshire, (brother to Mr. James Austin,) He informed me that his son Josiah, who came over to England with me, had gone back in December of that year, and on his return, he, Mr. John Austin, had accompanied him back, with his wife, 3 other sons, and a daughter. On their arrival in Van Dieman's Land, to their grief, they found that Mr. James Austin had been dead five months. He had divided his property by will, between his two nephews, Josiah and Solomon, who had lived with him since 1824. Mr. John Austin remained in Van Dieman's Land only eleven months, having particular business in England; his wife and one son William had also returned. He informed me also that his sons Josiah and Solomon allowed him £100 a year. His other 2 sons and daughter had settled at Port Phillip, New South Wales, where they now had flocks of sheep to the amount of 8 or 10 thousand. Mrs. Austin informed me that since I left, the wild natives had been all banished to a neighbouring island, and it would not be easy for them to return.

* This Gentleman patronised my work, when I was selling it in the West of England:

* During my absence, I had lost one of my brothers, Mr. Henry Goodridge, who had been carrying on a considerable business in Newfoundland, in connexion with a younger brother, who had previously been his clerk. He had returned to Paignton for his health, but died there. I had been led to believe, (perhaps erroneously,) that he had left property to some amount, and that I as the elder brother was entitled to a share of it. I did not however receive any portion.

* My Father-in-law having lost his wife, (my wife's mother,) in January, 1837, he gave up the Inn, and has not earned on any business since.

* At the period of my mother's demise, I was at a distance, and from the negligence of the Post-master, a letter conveying the intelligence did not reach me till three dsys after it should have done, I therefore did not arrive at Paignton till the day after my mother's funeral.

† Among other valuable friends I shall be pardoned for naming John Baynard, Esq. of Truro. Through him I was introduced to the Bible Society at that place, and of which I was enrolled a member; Mr. B. is an active and zealous supporter of every benevolent institution; and I consider my acknowledgments are especially due to him for this introduction, as enabling me to render some assistance, however small, to that society, from whose valuable gifts myself and my companions experienced so much consolation amidst all our deprivations. This kind gentleman has purchased at different periods, 17 copies of my Narrative. I may also be permitted to render my acknowledgments to W. Tweedy, Esq. of Truro, belonging to the Society of Friends, who purchased more than thirty copies of my work to present to different persons; also to Miss. Hale, of Little Chessel House, Bitteris, near Southampton, who took the most lively interest in the sale of my work, and disposed of 65 copies, and recommended it very strongly to the Rev. F. Trench, of Reading, Berkshire, wtnse certificate is among the recommendations of the work.

ADDENDA.

Van Dieman's Land being a colony considered very desirable for emigrants, the following particulars may not prove unacceptable, and certainly to emigrants Van Dieman's Land offers many advantages, at least to those who have a small capital. To mechanics generally, even without capital, it affords with sobriety and industry a comfortable and certain livelihood, and the means of speedily becoming landholders. Carpenters, builders, smiths, masons, boat builders, tailors, shoemakers, curriers, stone cutters, and indeed all useful trades, are in much request; but a great quantity of labour having been provided by the convicts, who are hired out by the authorities at a very low rate, labourers were much less wanted, though still there was a certainty of employment, but the wages were low compared with others, the remuneration to a labourer having been about ten shillings per week and his board. Boys of ten years of age could earn about three shillings per week and their meat, and older ones in proportion. Indeed there was no want of employment for those of either sex willing to work; and by milliners, dress-makers, straw-hatmakers, &c. very large profits are realized. It is not however such a " Land of Groshen" that idlers may live without labour. The sober and the industrious are sure to be respected and employed, and may by perseverance live in comfort, as wages are good and provisions comparatively low. Clothing however, of all kinds, is dear as compared with England. If felons should cease to be sent to this colony, labour would doubtless increase in value, and an improvement in morals would no doubt be the result.

The general character of Van. Dieman's Land, is hilly and mountainous, the hills to the height of between three and four thousand feet, being mostly covered with trees, above which they have a comparatively naked, weather worn and barren aspect, being for five or six months in the year, from April till October, more or less covered with snow.

A settler who has a grant of 1000 acres of land, is fortunate if he has 100 acres that will admit of the plough, and three or four hundred more affording a good pasturage for his flocks.

To those accustomed to the moist climate and plentifully watered countries of England, Scotland, or Ireland, Van Dieman's Land at first sight may-present a dry and unproductive appearance, but upon a nearer acquaintance it will put on a more inviting aspect. Although, however, the rivers and streams may not be so large or so frequent as in England, they are sufficiently so to answer every purpose of agriculture, and water, that essential of life, is more or less to be met with in all parts of the island. With the exception of the two inlets of the sea, at the mouths of the Derwent and Tamar, there is no inland navigation in the colony. The chief rivers in the settled parts of the island, are the Derwent, and its tributary streams, the Jordan, Clyde, Shannon, Ouse, and the Huon, flowing into the ocean, on the southern side of the island; and on the northern the Tamar, being the collected waters of the North and South Esk, the Lake, and Western Rivers. In addition to these, in the higher regions of the interior, are several lakes or sheets of water.

A very fine species of lime, used in the better sort of plastering and stuccoing, is made in considerable quantities by burning the oyster shells that are found in beds along various parts of the coast. Other species of the calcareous genus also occur in different parts of the island. Marble of a white mixed grey colour, susceptible of a good polish, has frequently been found, though not applied to use when I left. Round Hobart Town, where the progress of improvement frequently exposes the soil to the depth of two or three yards, sometimes strata of soft clayey marl occur, which have been found very useful as a manure. Much of the common lime-stone is of a yellowish or reddish colour, no doubt occasioned by the quantity of iron with which it is mixed, and which is so generally scattered throughout all parts of the island. Iron ore is very general, both of a red, brown and black colour. In one or two instances it has been analysed, and found to contain eighty per cent, of the perfect mineral. Indications of coal have been found all across the island, commencing at South Cape, and showing themselves in various parts, at Satellite Island in D'Entrecasteaux's Channel, on the banks of the Huon, at Hobart Town, New Norfolk, the Coal River, Jerusalem, Jericho, and other places. As the expence of providing fire wood for the different departments of Government was yearly becoming greater, and the difficulty of procuring the wood at convenient stations increa-ing, it is probable that means will be taken to open a communication with the coal districts.* Messrs. Mandsley and Co. engineers, in London, analysed some specimens of the Van Dieman's Land coal, sent home by Mr. Waghorn, of the Bengal pilot service, which they declared to be equal to the Elgin Wall's-end coal, and superior to Newcastle coal, for the purpose of raising steam.

Of the various species of argillaceous genus, basalt is by far the most abundant. Indeed it would appear to be the chief and predominant substratum of the island. All along the coast it presents itself in rocky precipitous heights, standing on its beautiful columnar pedestals.

Argil also appears in the form of excellent roof slate, at a certain spot between Launceston and George Town, but the facility with which houses can be covered withshingles, split from the different species of the gum tree, or Eucalyptus, has hitherto superseded its use.

Excellent sandstone for building is found in almost every part of the island, and most of the houses in Hobart Town are now built with it, brought from different parts within half a mile or a mile of the town, instead of badly made bricks as formerly. Flints in great plenty are scattered upon the hills, especially in the neighbourhood where basalt abounds. Other rare species of the silicious genus have been found in different parts of the island; of these may be mentioned, hornstone, schistus, wood opal, bloodstone, jasper, and that singular species called cat's eye, reflecting different rays of light from the change of position.

Of the metallic ores, besides iron, which is most abundant, specimens of red and green copper ore, lead, zinc, manganese, and as some say, of silver and gold, have occasionally been found; but the latter I think is not to be relied on.

Petrified remains of wood and other vegetable productions, entirely converted into silicious matter, and capable of the finest polish, are occasionally met with in different parts of the island.

Van Dieman's Land has a temperature almost as cold in the summer season as that of London, and Brussels, or at least as Paris and Vienna. Its summer heats are so moderated, as to be not only congenial but delightful, to a person who has lived to maturity in an English climate, and whose system has become habituated to it. However warm the middle of the day may be, it is invariably attended by a morning and evening so cool, as completely to brace and restore any enervating effects that the meridian heat might have occasioned; and while the summer heat is thus moderated, the inclemency of winter is equally dissipated by the equality of temperature diffused from the extent of ocean surrounding its insular position.

Except on the days when rain actually falls, which on an average do not exceed 50 or 60 out of the 365, the sky is clear, and the sun brilliant. The atmosphere is consequently for the most part dry, pure, and elastic, which renders the system in a great measure insensible to the sudden changes of temperature that so frequently occur, particularly at Hobart Town, under the influence of Mount Wellington, and which otherwise must prove injurious to the health, especially of persons with delicate constitutions. The extreme of summer generally shows itself in two or three sultry days, when a hot wind from the north-east at times prevails, so oppressive as to raise the mercury for three or four hours in the middle of the day, to 90, and even 100 and 110 degrees. It is however to be remarked, that the extensive fires which frequently occur in the woods, in the height of summer, when the accidental dropping of a spark will spread the flames for miles along the hills, may be reasonably supposed to have the effect of increasing the heat of the air, especially if the absence of the winds, and the relaxed state of the atmosphere at the time, should arrest, and as it were beat down, its heated volumes on the valleys and lower regions, were the towns are generally situated. In winter, the frost at night, except in the higher regions of the interior, is never so severe as to withstand the heat of the ensuing day. Sleet or snow generally falls once or twice a year, but never lays on the ground above a day or two, except on the tops of the mountains' or in the central part of the island, where it has been known to continue for a week or ten days.

In such a climate, and with the active life which settlers in a new colony must necessarily lead, the health of the inhabitants is of the very best kind. The atmosphere is for the most part dry and elastic, and though it has not as yet been correctly analysed, yet it certainly contains a larger proportion of the vital principle than most countries of the old world, the effect of which is to fortify and promote both animal and vegetable life.

More rain falls on the western coast than on any other part of the island, being exposed to the constant westerly winds, blowing exhalations upon it from an uninterrupted track of ocean. The weather, consequently, at the penal settlement of Macquarie harbour, is of the most gloomy kind, more than half the year being stormy, cloudy, and rainy, and round Port Davey, attracted as the clouds must be by the very lofty mountains in that neighbourhood, the country bears the marks of being almost constantly soaked in wet.

An estimate has been formed, upon official returns, from which it appears, that while the average number of deaths from a certain amount of population in Van Dieman's Land is 200 annually the registered tables of the most healthy parts of Europe, as Southampton, Norwich, or Sweden, would allow of about double that number.

The diseases to which children are liable in Van-Dieman's Land, are neither so many, nor, generally speaking, so severe as in England. Hooping cough was introduced into the island from one of the female prison ships, about 3 years before I left, but though it spread itself nearly throughout the population, it invariably appeared in a mild form, and I do not know that it was attended by a single death. Adults, and aged persons who had not been affected with it in early life, felt it severely. Small pox and measles were unknown when I left.

Against this favourable estimate of life, arising from the climate and circumstances of the colony, must be made a dreadful make-weight in the other scale, in the lamentable waste of life, by intoxication. The quantity of spirits, and other strong drink consumed in the colony, may on a moderate computation be taken at no less than 100,000 gallons annually, which, according to the population, allows the enormous quantity of about five gallons to each individual, young and old, male and female in the island. So astounding a fact, shews at a glance the horrid state into which some of the community must be immersed. Dreadful as it is, however, it is on the decrease, as compared with former periods. A very large portion of those who first put their foot upon the shores of the Derwent, even belonging to what should be the more respectable and exemplary class of society, were confirmed drunkards, and died in the prime of life. To their ruinous example may fairly be attributed much of the dissipated habits that have so long afflicted the colony. For those in the humbler paths of life, always ready to imitate their superiors, are never so willing to do so, as in falling into relaxed habits, and in following that which is bad. Drunkenness especially is a vice of example, for nature recoils at the first intimacy with the syren, and it is only by long and repeated attacks that she at last enchains her victim. This baneful example has however ceased to be set by any of those in the better walks of life, the old drunkards, almost without exception, having hurried themselves to the grave, and drunkenness is narrowing the sphere of its noxious influence. Most even of the humbler or labouring classes, would now be ashamed to be charged with drunkenness, a vice which, not many years before I left, would have been their boast. The wast of property from this cause is immense. As regards waste of life it shews itself in three ways, namely, first by gradually impairing the health and system, so as to unfit the person for the performance of the common affairs of life, and inducing premature death; secondly, by appoplexy, suffocation, and other sudden and accidental deaths, arising out of drunkenness; and thirdly, by the crimes, murders, and executions, generally attending those whom death has not otherwise overtaken. One half of the deaths in the colony, at one period, might be traced directly or indirectly through drunkenness.

With the exception of these artificial causes of disease, physicians have not yet discovered any complaint peculiar to the colony. Of the common disorders incidental to man, which have appeared most frequently, are those of fever and dysentery, but these probably can scarcely be reckoned to bear a larger proportion to the population than in other countries.

In the former editions of this work, I gave an account of the Penal Settlements established for the reception of different classes of Convicts* from England, where also those convicted of heavy-crimes in the colony were sent for punishment; but as male felons will probably no longer be sent abroad, those settlements will doubtless be abolished, and consequently cease to be of interest.

I will however state, there were three of these settlements—namely, Macquarie Harbour, Maria Island, and Port Arthur. Macquarie Harbour was destined for the convicts of the worst description; and the work of all kinds was executed by manual labour, no beasts of burden being employed. Maria Island was fixed on as another Penal Settlement in 1825. This was mostly reserved for prisoners convicted of heavy crimes in the colony, but still not considered of so dark a hue as those sent to Macquarie Harbour. Port Arthur was established in 1830. It was intended as a progressive step, for those who conducted them, selves with propriety at Macquarie Harbour, and also for the reception of Convict Youths, who were here taught useful Trades; but now as there is a Coal mine there, the worst description of the male Prisoners in the colony, or who are tried and sentenced at the Supreme Court, are sent to this settlement to work in the Coal mine, where the labour is very severe. The Coals are sold by Government, and brought up to Hobart Town, and other parts of the island, by vessels.

As females sentenced to transportation, are still to be sent out, I may mention, that when a vessel arrives with such, they are first placed in the female house of correction, where, if they misbehave themselves they are punished with solitary confinement; they are occupied in various ways according to their ability.

On application from married settlers, they are assigned out, and their periods of servitude, before any indulgence can be obtained, are four years for these sentenced to seven years' transportation; six for those sentenced to fourteen years, and eight for those sentenced for life. In case of any misde-meanour while serving a master or mistress, on application to a magistrate, they are punished by being sent back to the house of correction, to solitary confinement, and by having their hair shaved close off; the latter punishment is dreaded more than any other. Previous to Governor Arthur's time, a frequent punishment inflicted on females, was the placing of an iron collar round their necks, on each side of which was a long prong, which gave them the appearance of horned cattle; and with this head dress they were exposed in the church during service. This, however, was discontinued by Governor Arthur.

The aboriginal natives of Yan Dieman's Land are of an idle roving character the men employ themselves principally in hunting Kangaroos, Oppossums, and other animals, in petty warfare between their various tribes, or in depreciations on the settlers. To the latter they have been trained, and are most frequently led, by the runaway convicts, who have joined them in the bush; and under such leaders they have been found very dangerous enemies. The women are subjected to the most laborious employments (a practice characteristic of most savage nations). They are particularly expert at swimming and diving, and the females will with ease descend in from three to four fathom of water, for the purpose of obtaining craw-fish. The weapons used by the men, are spears formed of a very hard wood, charred at the points, with which they are extremely dexterous. They also use what are called waddies, a blow from which in their hands would fell an ox.

During the time I was at Compton Ferry, in 1824, 15 or 20 of the natives made their way into Mr. Earle's large room, and were much delighted at seeing themselves in the looking glass, and commenced dancing; and making all kinds of mimicry. They then essayed to get behind the glass, and appeared greatly confused at finding nothing but the wall. They were all quite naked; and indeed if clothes were given them when they appeared at Hobart Town, they seldom wore them after they left, throwing them off as a great encumbrance.

The Benevolent Societies in the Colony were numerous, and were still increasing. At Hobart Town might be enumerated:—The Branch Bible Society, at the head of which ranked His Excellency, Col. Arthur. The district Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. The Presbyterian Missionary Society. The Presbyterian Tract Society. The Wesleyan Missionary Society. The Benevolent and Strangers' Friend Society. The Sunday School "Wesleyan Union, &c. There was also a Mechanics' Institution, and other scientific Societies. The following testimony of their value is taken from Ross's Statistical view: —"The benevolent labours of the Established Clergy are well supported by the other classes of the community. Among the most respectable associations, which contribute their aid to the cause of ameliorating the condition of society, are very numerous lists of Subscribers to the Auxiliary Branch Bible Society, to the Society for promoting Christian Knowledge, to the Presbyterian and Wesleyan Missionary Societies, and to the Presbyterian Tract Society. This last, indeed, though perhaps the least assuming in its pretensions, is probably one of the most effective among them, from the powerful nature of example in the very nature of its construction. It is the custom of a certain portion of the members to go through the whole of the streets of Hobart Town every Sunday morning, delivering at each door the little tracts, and collecting the old ones, which had been read the previous week, occasionally entering into conversation with such of the inhabitants as may be so inclined, on the subject of what they had been reading;* and it cannot but have a most beneficial effect upon them, and society at large, to see men thus voluntarily exerting themselves, Sacrificing their own ease and avocations at home, to come forth at all seasons of the year, purely from philanthropic motives, and a wish to benefit their fellow men."

Taking Van Dieman's Land then as a whole there are few places that otter so many advantages to a good mechanic, or a small capitalist of industrious habits, as a point for emigration, possessing as it does so many local advantages, and such capabilities for increasing its wealth, by agriculture, manufactures, and commerce.

* A Coal Mine has been opened at Port Arthur since I left, and those felons who are transported a second time, of the worst characters, are sent thither to work in the mine.

* It may not be amiss to guard emigrants, on their first going ut, against calling the transported population Convicts, as they consider it a term of great reproach, and very commonly take some opportunity of revengirg themselves; they have no objection, however, to being called prisoners of the crown; and if questioned as to their being such, will in general answer with civility.

* Among the most active gentlemen in this benevolent work, I shall be pardoned for naming Mr. Henry Hopkins, who kept a large shop in Elizabeth Street, Hobart Town, who not only gave his time and influence to this good work, but has, since I left, built a Chapel at Stony Point Ferry, 10 miles from Hobart Town, mostly at his own expense, to accommodate the distant inhabitants. Mr. H. is I believe, a native of Deptford, or at least has family connexions living there.

FINIS.

FEATHERSTONE, PRINTER, EXETER.